After the renewed refusal of my peace offer in January 1940 by the then British Prime Minister and the clique which supported or else dominated him, it became clear that this war-against all reasons of common, sense and necessity-must be fought to its end. You know me, my old Party companions: you know I have always been an enemy of half measures or weak decisions. If the Providence has so willed that the German people cannot be spared this fight, then I can only be grateful that it entrusted me with the leadership in this historic struggle which, for the next 500 or 1,000 years, will be described as decisive, not only for the history of Germany, but for the whole of Europe and indeed the whole world. The German people and their soldiers are working and fighting today, not only for the present, but for the coming, nay the most distant, generations. A historical revision on a unique scale has been imposed on us by the Creator.

Shortly after the end of the campaign in Norway, the German Command was forced, first of all, to ensure the military security of the conquered areas. Since then the defenses of the conquered countries have changed considerably. From Kirkenes to the Spanish Frontier there is a belt of great bases and fortifications; many airfields have been built, naval bases and protections for submarines which are practically invulnerable from sea or air. More than 1,500 new batteries have been planned and constructed. A network of roads and railways was constructed so that today communications from the Spanish Frontier to Petsamo are independent of the sea. These installations in no wise fall behind those of the Western Wall, and work continues incessantly on strengthening them. I am irrevocably determined to make the European Front unassailable by any enemy.

This defensive work was supplemented by offensive warfare. German surface and underwater naval Forces carried on their constant war of attrition against the British Merchant Navy and the ships in its service. The German Air Force supported these attacks by reconnaissance, by damaging enemy shipping, by numerous retaliatory raids which have given the English a better idea of the so charming war caused by their present Prime Minister.

In the middle of last year Germany was supported above all by Italy. For many months a great part of British power weighed on the shoulders of Italy. Only because of their tremendous superiority in heavy tanks could the English create a temporary crisis in North Africa. On 24th March a small community of German-Italian units under Rommel's command began the counter-attack. (Dates on which certain points fell.) The German Africa Corps performed outstanding achievements though they were completely unaccustomed to the climate of this theatre of war. Just as once in Spain, now in North Africa Germans and Italians have taken up arms against the same enemy.

While in these bold measures the North African Front was again secured by the blood of German and Italian soldiers, the shadow of a terrible danger threatening Europe gathered overhead. Only in obedience to bitter necessity did I decide in my heart in 1939, to make the attempt, at least, to create the pre-requisites for a lasting peace in Europe by eliminating the causes of German-Russian tension. This was psychologically difficult owing to the general attitude of the German people, and above all, of the Party, towards Bolshevism. It was not difficult from a purely material point of view-because Germany was only intent on her economic interests in all the territories which England declared to be threatened by us and which she attacked with her promises of aid-for you will allow me to remind you that England, throughout the spring and late summer of 1939, offered its aid to numerous countries, declaring that it was our intention to invade those countries and thus deprive them of their liberty. The German Reich and its Government were therefore able to affirm, with a clear conscience, that these allegations were false and had no bearing whatsoever on reality. Add to this the military realization that in case of war, which British diplomacy was to force on the German people a two front war would ensue and call for very great sacrifice.

When, on top of all this, the Baltic States and Rumania showed themselves prone to accept the British Pacts of assistance and thus let it be seen that they, too, believed in such a threat, it was not only the right of the Reich Government, but its duty to fix the limits of German interests. The countries in question, and above all, the Reich Government, could not but realize that the only factor which could be a buttress against the East was Germany. The moment they severed their connection with the German Reich, and entrusted their fate to the aid of that Power which, in its proverbial selfishness, has never rendered aid, but always requested it, they were lost. Yet the fate of these countries roused the sympathy of the German people. The winter struggle of the Finns forced on us a feeling mixed with bitterness and admiration. Admiration because we have a heart sensitive to sacrifice and heroism, being a nation of soldiers ourselves: bitterness, because with our eyes fixed on the menacing enemy in the West, and on the danger in the East, we were not in a position to render military assistance. As soon as it became evident that Soviet Russia deduced the right to wipe out the nations living outside the limits of the German sphere of interest, as a result of that limitation of interests our subsequent relations were merely governed by utilitarian considerations, while our reason and feelings were hostile.

With every month I became more convinced that the plans of the men in Kremlin aimed at domination and annihilating all Europe. I have had to submit to the nation the full extent of the Russian military preparations. At a time when Germany had only a few divisions in the provinces bordering on Russia it would have been evident to a blind man that a concentration of power of singular and world historic dimensions was taking place, and that not in order to defend something which was threatened, but merely in order to attack an object it did not seem possible to defend. The lightning conclusion of the Western campaign, however, robbed the Moscow overlords of their hope of an early flagging of German power. This did not alter their intentions-it merely led to a postponement of the date on which they intended to strike. In the summer of 1941 they thought the time was ripe. A new Mongolian storm was now to sweep Europe. At the same time, however, Mr. Churchill spoke on the English aspect of the struggle with Germany. He saw fit, in a cowardly manner, to deny that in the secret session of 1940 in the House of Commons that he pointed out that the entry of Russians into the war which was to come in 1941 at the very latest, was the most important factor which would make a successful conclusion of the war possible. This was also to enable England to take the offensive. In the spring of that year, Europe was to feel the full extent of the might of a world power which seemed to dispose of inexhaustible human material and resources. Dark clouds began to gather on the European sky. For, my Deputies, what is Europe? There is no fitting geographical definition of our Continent, but only a national and cultural one.

Not the Urals form the frontier of our Continent, but the eternal line which divides the Eastern and Western conceptions of life. There was a time when Europe was that Greek Island into which Nordic tribes had penetrated in order to light a torch for the first time which from then onwards began slowly, but surely to brighten the world of man. When these Greeks repulsed the invasion of the Persian conquerors they did not only defend their homeland, which was Greece, but that idea which we call Europe today. And then Europe traveled from Hellas to Rome. With the Greek spirit and Greek culture, the Roman way of thinking and Roman statesmanship were joined. An Empire was created which, to this day has not been equaled in its significance and creative power, let alone outdone. When, however the Roman legions were defending Rome against the African onslaught of Carthage and at last gained a victory, again it was not Rome they were fighting for, but the Europe of that time, which consisted of the Greek-Roman world.

The next incursion against this homestead of European culture was carried out from the distant East. A terrible stream of barbarous, uncultured hordes sallied forth from the interior of Asia deep into the hearts of the European Continent, burning, looting, murdering-a true scourge of the Lord. In the battle of the Catalonian fields the (West?) was formed. On the ruins of Rome the West was built, and its defense was a task, not only of the Romans, but also above all of the Teutons (Germans). In centuries to come the West, enlightened by Greek culture, built the Roman Empire and then expanded by the colonization of the Teutons was able to call itself Europe. Whether it was the German Emperor who was repelling the attacks from the East on the Field of Lech or whether Africa was being pushed back from Spain in long fighting, it was also a struggle of Europe, coming into being, against a surrounding world alien in its very essence. Once Rome had been given its due for the creative defense of this continent, Teutons took over the defense and the protection of a family of nations which might still differentiate and differ in their political structure and objective, but which nevertheless represented a cultural unity with blood ties. And it was from this Europe that a spiritual and cultural abundance went out, of which everyone must be aware who is willing to seek truth instead of denying it.

Thus it was not England who brought culture to the Continent, but the offspring of Teutonic nationhood on the Continent who went as Anglo-Saxons and Normans to that Island made possible a development in a way surely unique. In just the same way, it was not America who discovered Europe, but the other way around. And everything which America has not drawn from Europe may well appear worthy of admiration to a juda-ised, mixed race; Europe, on the other hand, sees in it a sign of cultural decay.

Deputies and Men of the German Reichstag, I had to make this survey, for the fight which, in the first months of this year, gradually began to become clear, and of which the German Reich is this time called to be the leader also far exceeds the interests of our nation and country. Just as the Greeks once faced the Persians in war, and the Romans faced the Mongolians, the Spanish heroes defended not only Spain, but the whole of Europe against Africa, just so Germany is fighting today, not for herself, but for the entire Continent. And it is a fortunate symptom that this realization is today so deep in the subconscious of most European nations that, whether by taking up their position openly or whether by the stream of volunteers, they are sharing in this struggle.

When, on the 6th of April of this year, the German and Italian Armies took up their positions for the fight against Yugoslavia and Greece, it was the introduction of the great struggle in which we are still involved. The revolt in Belgrade which led to the overthrow of the former Regent and his Government was decisive for the further course of events in this part of Europe, for England was also a party to this putsch. But the chief role was played by Soviet Russia. What I refused to Mr. Molotov on his visit to Berlin, Stalin now thought he could achieve by a revolutionary movement, even against our will. Without consideration for the agreements which had been concluded, the intentions of the Bolsheviks in power grew still wider. The Pact of Friendship with the new revolutionary regime illuminated the closeness of the threatening danger like lightning.

The feats achieved by the German Armed Forces were given worthy recognition in the German Reichstag on the 4th of May. But what I was then unfortunately unable to express was the realization that we were progressing at tremendous speed toward a fight with a State which was not yet intervening because it was not yet fully prepared, and because it was impossible to use the aerodromes and landing grounds at that time of year on account of the melting snow.

My deputies, when in 1940 I realized from communication in the English House of Commons and the observation of the Russian troop movements on our frontiers that there was the possibility of danger arising in the East of the Reich, I immediately gave orders to set up numerous new armored motorized infantry divisions. The conditions for this were available from the point of view both of material and personnel. I will give you, my Deputies, and indeed the whole German people, only one assurance: the more the democracies speak much about armaments, as is easily understandable, the more National Socialist Germany works. It was so in the past, it is not different today. Every year brings us increased, and above all, improved weapons, there where decisions will be made. In spite of my determination under no circumstances to allow our opponent to make the first stab in our heart-in spite of that my decision was a very difficult one. If democratic newspapers today declare that, had I known the strength of our Bolshevik opponent more accurately, I would have hesitated to attack, they understand the position just a little as they understand me. I sought no war. On the contrary I did everything to avoid it. But I would have been forgetful of my duty and responsibility if, in spite of realizing the inevitability of a fight by force of arms, I had failed to draw the only possible conclusions. In view of the mortal danger from Soviet Russia, not only to the German Reich, but to all Europe, I decided, if possible a few days before the outbreak of this more struggle, to give the signal to attack myself.

Today, we have overwhelming and authentic proof that Russia intended to attack; we are also quite clear about the date on which the attack was to take place. In view of the great danger, the proportions of which we realize perhaps only today to the fullest extent, I can only thank God that He enlightened me at the proper time and that He gave me the strength to do what had to be done!

To this, not only millions of German soldiers owe their lives, but Europe its very existence. This much I may state today: had this wave of over 20,000 tanks, hundreds of divisions, tens of thousands of guns, accompanied by more than 10,000 aircraft, suddenly moved against the Reich, Europe would have been lost. Fate has destined a number of nations to forestall this attack, to ward it off with the sacrifice of their blood. Had Finland not decided immediately to take up arms for the second time, the leisurely bourgeois life of the other Nordic countries would soon have come to an end.

Had the German Reich not faced the enemy with her soldiers and arms, a flood would have swept over Europe, which once and for all would have finished the ridiculous British idea of maintaining the European balance of power in all its senselessness and stupid tradition. Had Slovaks, Hungarians, Rumanians not taken over part of the protection of this European world, the Bolshevik hordes would have swept like Attila's Huns over the Danubian countries, and at the cost of the Ionic Sea, Tartars and Mongols would have enforced today the revision of the Montreux Agreement. Had Italy, Spain and Croatia not sent their divisions, the establishment of a European defense Front would have been impossible, from which emanated the idea of the New Europe as propaganda to all other nations.

Sensing and realizing this, the volunteers have come from Northern and Western Europe, Norwegians, Danes, Dutchmen, Flemings, Belgians, even Frenchmen-volunteers who gave the struggle of the United Powers of the Axis the character of a European crusade-in the truest sense of the world.

The time has not yet come to talk about the planning and the conduct of this campaign, but I believe that I may sketch in a few sentences what has been achieved in this most gigantic of all struggles, in which memories of the various impressions might so easily fade because of the vastness of the space and the great number of important events.

The attack began on 22nd of June; with irresistible daring the frontier fortifications which were destined to secure the Russian advance against us were broken through and on the 23rd Grodno fell. On the 24th Vilna and Kovoo were taken after Brest-Litovsk had been occupied. On the 26th Duenaburg was in our hands and on 10th July, the first two great pincer battles of Bialystok and Minsk were concluded: 324,000 prisoners, 3,332 tanks and 1,809 guns fell to us. Already, on 13th July, the Stalin Line was broken through on all important points. On the 16th Smolensk fell after heavy fighting, and on the 19th German and Rumanian formations forced the crossing of the Dniester. On the 6th of August, the Battle of Smolensk was concluded in many pockets and again 310,000 Russians fell into German captivity, while 3,205 tanks and 3,120 guns were destroyed or captured. Only three days later the fate of another Russian Army group was sealed and on 9th August another 103,000 Russians were taken prisoner in the Battle of Ouman; 317 tanks and 1,100 guns destroyed or captured. On 17th August Nicolaeff was taken, on the 21st, Kherson. On the same day the Battle of Gomel was concluded with 84,000 prisoners taken and 124 tanks, as well as 808 guns captured or destroyed. On the 21st August, the Russian positions between Lakes Peipus and Ilmen were broken through and on the 26th the bridgehead at Dniepropetrovsk fell into our hands. On 28th August German troops marched into Reval and Boltisk Port after heavy fighting, while on the 30th the Finns took Viipuri. By conquering Schluesselburg on the 8th September, Leningrad was finally cut off, also from the South. On 6th September we succeeded in establishing bridgeheads on the Dnieper and on the 8th Poltava fell into our hands. On 9th September German formations stormed the citadel of Kiev and the occupation of Oesel was crowned by taking the Capital. Only now the greatest operations matured into the expected successes; on 27th September the Battle of Kiev was concluded; 665,000 prisoners began to move westwards, 884 tanks and 3,178 guns remained as booty in the pockets. As early as 2nd October the break-through battle on the Central Front began, while on 11th October the battle on the Sea of Azov was successfully concluded; again 107,000 prisoners, 212 tanks and 672 guns were counted. On 16th October, German and Rumanian troops marched into Odessa after hard fighting. On 8th October the break-through battle on the Central Front was concluded with a new success, unique in history, when 663,000 prisoners were only part of its results; 1,242 tanks and 5,452 guns were either destroyed or captured. On 31st October, the conquest of Dagoo was concluded.

On 24th October, the industrial centre of Kharkov was taken. On 28th October, the entrance of the Crimea was finally forced at great speed, and on 2nd November already the capital Sinferopol was taken by storm. On 6th November we had pierced through the Crimea up to Kerch.

On 1st December, the total number of Soviet prisoners amounted to 3,806,865; the number of tanks destroyed or captured was 21,391, that of guns, 32,541 and that of airplanes, 17,322. During the same period 2,191 British planes were shot-down. The Navy sank 4,170,611 g.r.t. of British shipping, the air force 2,346,080 g.r.t.; a total of 6,516,791 g.r.t. was thus destroyed. [Note: Figures checked, as they do not tally.]

My Deputies, my German people, those are sober facts or perhaps dry figures. Yet, may they never disappear from the history and, above all from the memory and the consciousness, of our own German people. For behind those figures are hidden the achievements, the sacrifices, the privations, the everlasting heroic courage and the readiness to die of millions of the best men of our own nation and of the States allied to us.

All this had to be fought for by my staking health and life and by effort of which those at home can hardly have an idea. Marching for an endless distance, tormented by heat and thirst, often held up by the mud of bottomless roads which would drive them almost to despair, exposed, from the Black Sea to the Arctic Sea, to the inhospitability of a climate which from the blazing heat of the July and August days, dropped to the wintry storms of November and December, tortured by insects, suffering from dirt and vermin, freezing in snow and ice, they have fought-the Germans and the Finns, Italians, Slovaks, Hungarians and Rumanians, the Croats, the volunteers from the North and West European countries, all in all the soldiers of the Eastern Front.

The beginning of winter only will now check this movement; at the beginning of summer it will again no longer be possible to stop the movement. On this day I do not want to mention any individual section of the Armed Forces, I do not want to praise any particular command; they have all made a supreme effort. And yet, understanding and justice compel me to state one thing again and again; amongst our German soldiers the heaviest burden is born today, as in the past, by our matchless German infantry

From 22nd June to 1st December the German Army lost in this heroic fight 158,773 killed, 563,082 wounded and 31,191 missing. The Air Force lost 3,231 killed, 8,453 wounded and 2,028 missing. The Navy lost 210 killed, 232 wounded and 115 missing. The total losses of the armed forces are thus 162,314 killed, 571,767 wounded and 33,334 missing. [Note: The figures for soldiers killed do not tally.] That is to say, in killed and wounded slightly more than the field of death of the Somme Battle, in missing a little less than half those missing at that time. But all fathers and sons of our German people.

And now permit me to define my attitude to that other world, which has its representative in that man, who, while our soldiers are fighting in snow and ice, very tactfully likes to make his chats from the fireside, the man who is the main culprit of this-war. When in 1939 the conditions of our national interest in the then Polish State became more and more intolerable, I tried at first to eliminate those intolerable conditions by way of a peaceful settlement. For some time it seemed as though the Polish Government itself had seriously considered to agree to a sensible settlement. I may add that in German proposals nothing was demanded that had not been German property in former times. On the contrary, we renounced very much of what, before the World War, had been German property. You will recall the dramatic development of that time, in which the sufferings of German nationals increased continuously. You, my deputies, are in the best position to gauge the extent of the blood sacrifice, if you compare it to the casualties of the present war. The campaign in the East has so far cost the German armed forces about 160,000 killed; but in the midst of peace more than 62,000 Germans were killed during those months, some under the most cruel tortures. It could hardly be contested that the German Reich had had a right to object to such conditions on its Frontiers and to demand that they should cease to exist and that it was entitled to think of its own safety; this could hardly be contested at a time when other countries were seeking elements of their safety even in foreign continents. The problems which had to be overcome were of no territorial significance. Mainly they concerned Danzig and the union with the Reich of the torn-off province, East Prussia. More difficult were the cruel persecutions the Germans were exposed to, in Poland particularly. The other minorities, incidentally, had to suffer a fate hardly less bitter.

When in August the attitude of Poland-thanks to the carte blanche guarantee received from England-became still stiffer, the Government of the Reich found it necessary to submit, for the last time, a proposal on the basis of which we were willing to enter into negotiations with Poland-negotiations of which we fully and completely apprised the then British Ambassador. I may recall these proposals today: "Proposal for the settlement of the problem of the Danzig Corridor and of the question of the German-Polish minorities. The situation between the German Reich and Poland has become so strained that any further incident may lead to a clash between the Armed Forces assembled on both sides. Any peaceful settlement must be so arranged that the events mainly responsible for the existing situation cannot occur again-a situation which has caused a state of tension, not only in Eastern Europe, but also in other regions. The cause of this situation lies in the impossible Frontiers laid down by the Versailles dictate and the inhuman treatment of the German minorities in Poland. I am now going to read the proposals in question. [Hitler then proceeded to read the first 12 points of these proposals.] The same goes for the proposals for safeguarding the minorities. This is the offer of an agreement such as could not have been made in a more loyal and magnanimous form by any government other than the National Socialist Government of the German Reich.

The Polish Government at that period refused even as much as to consider this proposal. The question then arises: how could such an unimportant State dare simply to refuse an offer of this nature and furthermore, not only indulge in further atrocities to its German inhabitants who had given that country the whole of its culture, but even order mobilization? Perusal of documents of the Foreign Office in Warsaw has given us later some surprising explanations. There was one man who, with devilish lack of conscience, used all his influence to further the warlike intentions of Poland and to eliminate all possibilities of understanding. The reports which the then Polish Ambassador in Washington Count Potocki, sent to his Government are documents from which it may be seen with a terrifying clearness to what an extent one man alone and the forces driving him are responsible for the second World War. The question next arises, how could this man fall into such fanatical enmity toward a country which in the whole of its history has never done the least harm either to America or to him personally?

So far as Germany's attitude towards America is concerned, I have to state: (i) Germany is perhaps the only great power which has never had a colony either in North or South America, or otherwise displayed there any political activity, unless mention be made of the emigration of many millions of Germans and of their work, which, however, has only been to the benefit of the American Continent and of the U.S.A. (ii) In the whole history of the coming into being and of the existence of the U.S.A. the German Reich has never adopted a politically unfriendly, let alone hostile attitude, but, on the contrary with the blood of many of its sons, it helped to defend the U.S.A. The German Reich never took part in any war against the U.S.A. It itself had war imposed upon it by the U.S.A. in 1917, and then for reasons which have been thoroughly revealed by an investigation committee set up by President Roosevelt himself. There are no other differences between the German and the American people, either territorial or political, which could possibly touch the interests let alone the existence of the U.S.A. There was always a difference of constitution, but that cannot be a reason for hostilities so long as the one state does not try to interfere with the other. America is a Republic, a Democracy, and today is a Republic under strong authoritative leadership. The ocean lies between the two States. The divergences between Capitalist America and Bolshevik Russia, if such conceptions had any truth in them, would be much greater than between America led by a President and Germany led by a Führer.

But it is a fact that the two conflicts between Germany and the U.S.A. were inspired by the same force and caused by two men in the U.S.A.-Wilson and Roosevelt. History has already passed its verdict on Wilson, his name stands for one of the basest breaches of the given word, that led to disruption not only among the so-called vanquished, but also among the victors. This breach of his word alone made possible the Dictate of Versailles. We know today that a group of interested financiers stood behind Wilson and made use of this paralytic professor because they hoped for increased business. The German people have had to pay for having believed this man with the collapse of their political and economic existence.

But why is there now another President of the U.S.A. who regards it as his only task to intensify anti-German feeling to the pitch of war? National-Socialism came to power in Germany in the same year as Roosevelt was elected President. I understand only too well that a world-wide distance separates Roosevelt's ideas and my ideas. Roosevelt comes from a rich family and belongs to the class whose path is smoothed in the Democracies. I am only the child of a small, poor family and had to fight my way by work and industry. When the Great War came, Roosevelt occupied a position where he got to know only its pleasant consequences, enjoyed by those who do business while others bleed. I was only one of those who carry out orders, as an ordinary soldier, and naturally returned from the war just as poor as I was in Autumn 1914. I shared the fate of millions, and Franklin Roosevelt only the fate of the so-called Upper Ten Thousand.

After the war Roosevelt tried his hand at financial speculation: he made profits out of the inflation, out of the misery of others, while I, together with many hundreds of thousands more, lay in hospital. When Roosevelt finally stepped on the political stage with all the advantages of his class, I was unknown and fought for the resurrection of my people. When Roosevelt took his place at the head of the U.S.A., he was the candidate of a Capitalist Party which made use of him: when I became Chancellor of the German Reich, I was the Führer of the popular movement I had created. The powers behind Roosevelt were those powers I had fought at home. The Brains Trust was composed of people such as we have fought against in Germany as parasites and removed from public life.

And yet there is something in common between us. Roosevelt took over a State in a very poor economic condition, and I took over a Reich faced with complete ruin, also thanks to Democracy. In the U.S.A. there were 13,000,000 unemployed, and in Germany 7,000,000 part-time workers. The finances of both States were in a bad way, and ordinary economic life could scarcely be maintained. A development then started in the U.S.A. and in the German Reich which will make it easy for posterity to pass a verdict on the correctness of the theories.

While an unprecedented revival of economic life, culture and art took place in Germany under National Socialist leadership within the space of a few years, President Roosevelt did not succeed in bringing about even the slightest improvements in his own country. And yet this work must have been much easier in the U.S.A. where there live scarcely 15 persons on a square kilometer, as against 140 in Germany. If such a country does not succeed in assuring economic prosperity, this must be a result either of the bad faith of its leaders in power, or of a total inefficiency on the part of the leading men. In scarcely five years, economic problems had been solved in Germany and unemployment had been overcome. During the same period, President Roosevelt had increased the State Debt of his country to an enormous extent, had decreased the value of the dollar, had brought about a further disintegration of economic life, without diminishing the unemployment figures. All this is not surprising if one bears in mind that the men he had called to support him, or rather, the men who had called him, belonged to the Jewish element, whose interests are all for disintegration and never for order. While speculation was being fought in National Socialist Germany, it thrived astoundingly under the Roosevelt regime.

Roosevelt's New Deal legislation was all wrong: it was actually the biggest failure ever experienced by one man. There can be no doubt that a continuation of this economic policy would have done this President in peace time, in spite of all his dialectical skill. In a European State he would surely have come eventually before a State Court on a charge of deliberate waste of the national wealth; and he would have scarcely escaped at the hands of a Civil Court, on a charge of criminal business methods.

This fact was realized and fully appreciated also by many Americans including some of high standing. A threatening opposition was gathering over the head of this man. He guessed that the only salvation for him lay in diverting public attention from home to foreign policy. It is interesting to study in this connection the reports of the Polish Envoy in Washington, Potocki. He repeatedly points out that Roosevelt was fully aware of the danger threatening the card castle of his economic system with collapse, and that he was therefore urgently in need of a diversion in foreign policy. He was strengthened in this resolve by the Jews around him. Their Old Testament thirst for revenge thought to see in the U.S.A. an instrument for preparing a second "Purim" for the European nations which were becoming increasingly anti-Semetic. The full diabolical meanness of Jewry rallied round this man, and he stretched out his hands.

Thus began the increasing efforts of the American President to create conflicts, to do everything to prevent conflicts from being peacefully solved. For years this man harbored one desire-that a conflict should break out somewhere in the world. The most convenient place would be in Europe, where American economy could be committed to the cause of one of the belligerents in such a way that a political interconnection of interests would arise calculated slowly to bring America nearer such a conflict. This would thereby divert public interest from bankrupt economic policy at home towards foreign problems.

His attitude to the German Reich in this spirit was particularly sharp. In 1937, Roosevelt made a number of speeches, including a particularly mean one pronounced in Chicago on 5th October, 1937. Systematically he began to incite American public opinion against Germany. He threatened to establish a kind of Quarantine against the so-called Authoritarian States. While making these increasingly spiteful and inflammatory speeches, President Roosevelt summoned the American Ambassadors to Washington to report to him. This event followed some further declarations of an insulting character; and ever since, the two countries have been connected with each other only through Chargés d'Affaires.

From November 1938 onwards, his systematic efforts were directed towards sabotaging any possibility of an appeasement policy in Europe. In public, he was hypocritically pretending to be for peace; but at the same time he was threatening any country ready to pursue a policy of peaceful understanding with the freezing of assets, with economic reprisals, with demands for the repayment of loans, etc. Staggering information to this effect can be derived from the reports of Polish Ambassadors in Washington, London, Paris and Brussels.

In January, 1939, this man began to strengthen his campaign of incitement and threatened to take all possible Congressional measures against the Authoritarian States, with the exception of war, while alleging that other countries were trying to interfere in American affairs and insisting on the maintenance of the Monroe Doctrine, he himself began from March 1939 onwards, to meddle in European affairs which were no concern at all of the President of the U.S.A., since he does not understand those problems, and even if he did understand them and the historic background behind them, he would have just as little right to worry about the central European area as the German Reich has to judge conditions in a U.S. State and to take an attitude towards them.

But Mr. Roosevelt went even farther. In contradiction to all the tenets of international law, he declared that he would not recognize certain Governments which did not suit him, would not accept readjustments, would maintain Legations of States dissolved long before or actually set them up as legal Governments. He even went so far as to conclude agreements with such Envoys, and thus to acquire a right simply to occupy foreign territories.

On 5th April, 1939, came Roosevelt's famous appeal to myself and the Duce. It was a clumsy combination of geographical and political ignorance and of the arrogance of the millionaire circles around him. It asked us to give undertakings to conclude non-aggression Pacts indiscriminately with any country, including mostly countries which were not even free, since Mr. Roosevelt's allies had annexed them or changed them into Protectorates. You will remember, my Deputies, that I then gave a polite and clear reply to this meddling gentleman. For some months at least, this stopped the flow of eloquence from this honest warmonger. But his place was taken by his honorable spouse. She-declined to live with her sons in a world such as the one we have worked out. And quite right, for this is a world of labor and not of cheating and trafficking.

After a little rest, the husband of that woman came back on the scene and on the 4th November, 1939, engineered the reversion of the Neutrality Law so as to suspend the ban on the export of arms, in favor of a one-sided delivery of arms to Germany's opponents. He then begins, somewhat as in Asia and in China, but the roundabout way of an economic infiltration to establish a community of interests destined to become operative sooner or later. In the same month, he recognizes, as a so-called Government in exile, a gang of Polish emigrants, whose only political foundation was a few million gold coins taken with them from Warsaw. On the 9th of April he goes on and he orders the blocking of Norwegian and Danish assets under the lying pretext of placing them beyond the German reach, although he knows perfectly well that the Danish Government in its financial administration is not in anyway being interfered with, let alone controlled, by Germany. To the various exiled Governments recognized by him, the Norwegian is now added. On the 15th May, 1940, he recognizes the Dutch and Belgian émigré Governments. This is followed by blocking Dutch and Belgian assets. His true mentality then comes clearly to light in a telegram of 15th June to the French Prime Minister, Reynaud. He advises him that the American government will double its help to France, provided that France continues the war against Germany. So as to give still greater expression to this, his wish for a continuation of the war, he issues a, declaration that the American Government will not recognize the results of the conquest of territories-i.e., the restoration to Germany of lands which had been stolen from her. I don't need to assure you, Members of the Reichstag, that it is a matter of complete indifference to every German Government whether the President of the U.S.A. recognizes the frontiers of Europe or no, and that this indifference will likewise continue, in the future. I merely quote this to illustrate the methodical incitement which has come from this man who speaks hypocritically of peace, but always urges to war.

But now he is seized with fear that if peace is brought about in Europe, his squandering of billions of money or armaments will be looked upon (as plain fraud), since nobody will attack America-and he then himself must provoke this attack upon his country. On the 17th July, 1940, the American President orders the blocking of French assets with a view, as he puts it, to placing them beyond German reach, but really in order to transfer the French gold from Casablanca to America with the assistance of an American cruiser. In July 1940 he tries by enlisting American citizens in the British Air Force and by training British airmen in the U.S.A. to pave ever better the way to war. In August 1940, a military program is jointly drawn up between the U.S.A. and Canada. To make the establishment of a Canadian-U.S. Defense Committee plausible-plausible at least to the biggest fools-he invents from time to time crises, by means of which he pretends that America is being threatened with aggression.

This he wishes to impress upon the American people by suddenly returning on the 3rd April to Washington with all speed on account of the alleged danger of the situation. In September 1940 he draws still nearer to the war. He turns over to the British Fleet 50 destroyers of the American Navy in return for which, to be sure, he takes over several British bases in North and South America.

From all these actions, it may be clearly seen how, with all his hatred for Socialist Germany, he forms the resolution of taking over, as safely and securely as possible, the British Empire in the moment of its downfall. Since England is no longer in the position to pay cash for all the American deliveries, he imposes the Lease-Lend Law on the American people. He thus receives powers to lend or lease support to countries, the defense of which may appear to him as vital in America's interests. Then in (indistinct) 1941, as Germany cannot be made to react to any of his gestures, he takes yet a further step. As far back as the 9th December 1939, American (?cruisers) in the security zone handed over the German ship Columbus to the British ships. In the circumstances she had to be sunk (note: i.e. scuttled). On the same day, U.S. forces co-operated to prevent the attempted escape of the German steamer Arauca. On the 27th January, 1940, the U.S. cruiser (named, but indistinct) in contravention of International Law advised enemy naval forces of the movements of the German steamers, Arauca, La Plata and Mangoni. On the 27th June, 1940, he ordered, in complete contravention of International Law, a restriction of the freedom of movements of foreign ships in U.S. harbors. In November, 1940, he ordered the German ships (?Reugeu), Niederwald and Rhein to be shadowed by American ships until these steamers were compelled to scuttle themselves so as not to fall into enemy hands. On 30th April, 1941, followed the opening up of the Red Sea to U.S. ships, so that they could carry supplies to the British armies in the Near East. Meanwhile, in March, all German ships were requisitioned by the American authorities. In the course of this German nationals were treated in a most inhuman manner, and in contravention of all notions of international law certain places of residence were assigned them, traveling restrictions imposed upon them, and so on. Two German officers who had escaped from Canadian captivity, were-again contrary to all the dictates of international law-handcuffed and handed over to the Canadian authorities. 24th March the same President who stands against every aggression, acclaimed Simovitch [Chief of Aviation, Yugoslavia] and his companions who (?gained their positions) by aggression and by removing the lawful government of the country. Roosevelt some months before sent Colonel Donavan, a completely unworthy creature, to the Balkans, to Sofia and Belgrade, to engineer a rising against Germany and Italy.

In April, he promised help to Yugoslavia and Greece under the Lend-Lease Act. At the end of April, this man recognized the Yugoslav and Greek émigré governments, and once more against international law, blocked the Yugoslav and Greek assets. From the middle of April onwards, American watch over the Western Atlantic by U.S.A. patrols was extended, and reports were made to the British. On the 26th April, Roosevelt transferred to the British 20 motor-torpedo-boats and at the same time, British warships were being repaired in U.S. ports. On 5th May, the illegal arming and repairing of Norwegian ships for England took place. On 4th June American troop transports arrived in Greenland, to build airdromes. On 9th June, came the first British report that, on Roosevelt's orders, a U.S. warship had attacked a German U-boat with depth charges near Greenland. On 4th June, German assets in the U.S.A. were illegally blocked. On the 7th June Roosevelt demanded under mendacious pretexts, that German consuls should be withdrawn and German consulates closed. He also demanded the closing of the German Press Agency, Trans ocean, the German Information Library and the German Reichs bank Central Office. On 6th and 7th July, Iceland, which is within the German fighting zone, was occupied by American Forces or the orders of Roosevelt. He intended, first of all, to force Germany to make war and to make the German U-boat warfare as ineffective as it was in 1915-16. At the same time, he promised American help to the Soviet Union. On 10th June, the Navy Minister, Knox, suddenly announced an American order to shoot at Axis warships. On 4th September, the U.S. destroyer Greer obeying orders, operated with British aircraft against German U-boats in the Atlantic. Five days later, a German U-boat noticed the U.S. destroyer acting as escort in a British convoy. On 11th September Roosevelt finally made a speech in which he confirmed and repeated his order to fire on all Axis ships. On 29th September, U.S. escort-vessels attacked a German U-boat with depth charges east of Greenland. On 7th October, the U.S. destroyer Kearney acting as an escort vessel for Britain, again attacked German U-boat with depth-charges. Finally, on 6th November U.S. forces illegally seized the German steamer, Odenwald, and took it to an American port where the crew were taken prisoner.

I will pass over the insulting attacks made by this so-called President against me. That he calls me a gangster is uninteresting. After all, this expression was not coined in Europe but in America, no doubt because such gangsters are lacking here. Apart from this, I cannot be insulted by Roosevelt for I consider him mad just as Wilson was. I don't need to mention what this man has done for years in the same way against Japan. First he incites war then falsifies the causes, then odiously wraps himself in a cloak of Christian hypocrisy and slowly but surely leads mankind to war, not without calling God to witness the honesty of his attack-in the approved manner of an old Freemason. I think you have all found it a relief that now, at last, one State has been the first to take the step of protest against his historically unique and shame less ill-treatment of truth, and of right-which protest this man has desired and about which he cannot complain. The fact that the Japanese Government, which has been negotiating for year with this man, has at last become tired of being mocked by him in such an unworthy way, fills us all, the German people, and think, all other decent people in the world, with deep satisfaction.

We have seen what the Jews have done in Soviet Russia. We have made the acquaintance of the Jewish Paradise on earth. Millions of German soldiers have been able to see this country where the international Jews have destroyed people and property. The President of the U.S.A. ought finally to understand-I say this only because of his limited intellect-that we know that the aim of this struggle is to destroy one State after another. But the present German Reich has nothing more in common with the old Germany. And we, for our part, will now do what this provocateur has been trying to do so much for years. Not only because we are the ally of Japan, but also because Germany and Italy have enough insight and strength to comprehend that, in these historic times, the existence or non-existence of the nations, is being decided perhaps for ever. We clearly see the intention of the rest of the world towards us. They reduced Democratic Germany to hunger. They would exterminate our social things of today. When Churchill and Roosevelt state that they want to build up a new social order, later on, it is like a hairdresser with a bald head recommending an unfortunate hair-restorer. These men, who live in the most socially backward states, have misery and distress enough in their own countries to occupy themselves with the distribution of foodstuffs.

As for the German nation, it needs charity neither from Mr. Churchill nor from Mr. Roosevelt, let alone from Mr. Eden. It wants only its rights! It will secure for itself this right to life even if thousands of Churchill's and Roosevelt's conspire against it.

In the whole history of the German nation, of nearly 2,000 years, it has never been so united as today and, thanks to National Socialism it will remain united in the future. Probably it has never seen so clearly, and rarely been so conscious of its honor. I have therefore arranged for his passports to be handed to the American Chargé d'Affaires today, and the following ... [drowned in applause].

As a consequence of the further extension of President Roosevelt's policy, which is aimed at unrestricted world domination and dictatorship the U.S.A. together with England have not hesitated from using any means to dispute the rights of the German, Italian and Japanese nations to the basis of their natural existence. The Governments of the U.S.A. and of England have therefore resisted, not only now but also for all time, every just understanding meant to bring about a better New Order in the world. Since the beginning of the war the American President, Roosevelt, has been guilty of a series of the worst crimes against international law; illegal seizure of ships and other property of German and Italian nationals were coupled with the threat to, and looting of, those who were deprived of their liberty by being interned. Roosevelt's ever increasing attacks finally went so far that he ordered the American Navy to attack everywhere ships under the German and Italian flags, and to sink them-this in gross violation of international law. American ministers boasted of having destroyed German submarines in this criminal way. German and Italian merchant ships were attacked by American cruisers, captured and their crews imprisoned. With no attempt at an official denial there has now been revealed in America President Roosevelt's plan by which, at the latest in 1943, Germany and Italy were to be attacked in Europe by military means. In this way the sincere efforts of Germany and Italy to prevent an extension of the war and to maintain relations with the U.S.A. in spite of the unbearable provocations which have been carried on for years by President Roosevelt, have been frustrated. Germany and Italy have been finally compelled, in view of this, and in loyalty to the Tri-Partite act, to carry on the struggle against the U.S.A. and England jointly and side by side with Japan for the defense and thus for the maintenance of the liberty and independence of their nations and empires.

The Three Powers have therefore concluded the following Agreement, which was signed in Berlin today:

"In their unshakable determination not to lay down arms until the joint war against the U.S.A. and England reaches a successful conclusion, the German, Italian, and Japanese Governments have agreed on the following points:

Article I. Germany, Italy and Japan will wage the common war forced upon them by the U.S.A. and England with all the means of power at their disposal, to a victorious conclusion.

Article II. Germany, Italy and Japan undertake not to conclude an armistice or peace with the U.S.A. or with England without complete mutual understanding.

Article III. Germany, Italy and Japan will continue the closest cooperation even after the victorious conclusion of the war in order to bring about a just new order in the sense of the Tri-Partite Pact concluded by them on the 27th September 1940.

Article IV. This Agreement comes into force immediately after signature and remains in force as long as the Tri-Partite Pact of 27th September 1940. The Signatory Powers will confer in time before this period ends about the future form of the co-operation provided for in Article III of this Agreement."

Deputies, Members of the German Reichstag:

Ever since my last peace proposal of July 1940 was rejected, we have realized that this struggle has to be fought out to its last implications. That the Anglo-Saxon-Jewish-Capitalist World finds itself now in one and the same Front with Bolshevism does not surprise us National Socialists: we have always found them in company. We have concluded the struggle successfully inside Germany and have destroyed our adversaries after 16 years struggle for power. When, 23 years ago, I decided to enter political life and to lift this nation out of its decline, I was a nameless, unknown soldier. Many among you know how difficult were the first few years of this struggle. From the time when the Movement I consisted of seven men, until we took over power in January 1933, the path was so miraculous that only Providence itself with its blessing could have made this possible.

Today I am at the head of the strongest Army in the world, the most gigantic Air Force and of a proud Navy. Behind and around me stands the Party with which I became great and which has become great through me. The enemies I see before me are the same enemies as 20 years ago, but the path along which I look forward cannot be compared with that on which I look back. The German people recognizes the decisive hour of its existence millions of soldiers do their duty, millions of German peasants and workers, women and girls, produce bread for the home country and arms for the Front. We are allied with strong peoples, who in the same need are faced with the same enemies. The American President and his Plutocratic clique have mocked us as the Have-nots-that is true, but the Have-nots will see to it that they are not robbed of the little they have.

You, my fellow party members, know my unalterable determination to carry a fight once begun to its successful conclusion. You know my determination in such a struggle to be deterred by nothing, to break every resistance which must be broken. In September 1939 I assured you that neither force nor arms nor time would overcome Germany. I will assure my enemies that neither force of arms nor time nor any internal doubts, can make us waver in the performance of our duty. When we think of the sacrifices of our soldiers, any sacrifice made by the Home Front is completely unimportant. When we think of those who in past centuries have fallen for the Reich, then we realize the greatness of our duty. But anybody who tries to evade this duty has no claim to be regarded in our midst as a fellow German. Just as we were unmercifully hard in our struggle for power we shall be unmercifully hard in the struggle to maintain our nation.

At a time when thousands of our best men are dying nobody must expect to live who tries to depreciate the sacrifices made at the Front. Immaterial under what camouflage he tries to disturb this German Front, to undermine the resistance of our people, to weaken the authority of the regime, to sabotage the achievements of the Home Front, he shall die for it! But with the difference that this sacrifice brings the highest honor to the soldier at the Front, whereas the other dies dishonored and disgraced.

Our enemies must not deceive themselves-in the 2,000 years of German history known to us, our people have never been more united than today. The Lord of the Universe has treated us so well in the past years that we bow in gratitude to a providence which has allowed us to be members of such a great nation. We thank Him that we also can be entered with honor into the ever-lasting book of German history!

When we celebrated in 1940 for the first time the Memorial Day of the Heroes of our people in this hall, the German people and its armed force after decades of most humiliating enslavement was again fighting for their freedom and future against the old enemies.

The defenseless impotence of the German Reich could not keep them calm just as little as the economic misery, enforced upon us, could satisfy them.

In these days, a trial is being held in France, the characteristic result of which (?) does with no mention clarify (?) the guilt of these responsible, but (deals) exclusively with the insufficient preparation for this war. The trial is being held in a mentality, which we understand as consequential matter, of course, but it is most suitable, more than everything else to fulfill (?) the causes of this new war.

In 1918, the statesmen of England, France and of America responsible for the war were decided, that Germany under no circumstances should rise to a pact with equal rights neither in the economic nor in the political sphere. And this intention has refused all additional measures as unjustified by pointing out that the dictated peace (?) was objective and this was done with selected phrases.

The German people, however, doubting its leadership and its self-confidence found no means to change its fate, which could not be gained by humility, with pleading (?) negotiations but only by uniform willpower and courage.

The result of both realizations was the state of enforcement imposed upon us, not only of a freezing nature in a political, military way, but especially destructive economically. (Text not quite clear.)

One of the most bankrupt populace experienced the continuing decline of its economical foundation and with it the collapse of its existence. It could be anticipated that after a short period of force of superior numbers, originating in its material misery, it had to give way again and again and with it the German Reich could no longer escape the decay of ... destruction administered by its own men and forces; we proceeded to action (?). This economical collapse of the German people consisted in its exterior ... if he did not do that, it did not bring any benefit to its enemies either (?). (Text not quite clear.)

We know from them ... that the impoverishment of the German nation was in no way equal to the economic souring of the so-called victors. So the states which in their leadership are entirely Jewish-capitalistic, said: We will not only catch up the figures of the German Reich, but we will even surpass them, in spite of and up to all the products and treasures of this earth.

But even this development was not able to instill a clear view of the true necessities of the future into the life of all peoples who were directed by the leadership of our old enemies, which was for the most part dominated by Jewish elements. As soon as the National Socialists had taken over the power, they began to find fault with the model economic and social measures of Germany, to take out the old hatred, in order to prepare their peoples for the new declaration of war and to make them ready for it.

We know today that as far back as 1935 and 1936 the determination for the new war has been made in England, France and especially in the United States in the alone responsible Jewish circles and the political leadership stratum which is following in their footsteps. We are able now to see the staggering spectacle which turns in the accusation of the deceived and heavily beaten peoples not against the powerful intention of the inducement of this war itself, but only against the lax, and thus in their eyes degenerated armed preparation. Just this strange and enigmatic ... teaches us how necessary after the refusal of the German disarmament offers and offers of agreement the military preparation of the German people had been, in order to oppose the second attack against its liberty with more success as they had been able to muster in the first world war, 1914.

When, therefore, in 1940, we celebrated the memorial of the heroes of our people for the first time, we did so with the proud feeling to have won the first act of this encounter, which had been forced on us against our will. With the greatest confidence we can hope that we will also be successful in the second.

In reality even in 1941 the events of a fighting year were behind us which were of great historic significance. In a victory march without parallel and with the right of the conqueror the continent was cleansed of all enemy forces. Italy stepped in this fight for our existence as a true ally to our side. Whatever was the lot of the German armies in these campaigns, it is pale against those things that had to be accomplished and to be solved by our Wehrmacht and our Allies in the last year. Only today we recognize the whole extent of the preparations of our enemies, today we see the action of the Jews who pull the strings, who, divided all over the earth, unified the common attack of a conspiracy of the Plutocracies and of Bolshevism to a society with common interests, and who hoped to be able to destroy all of Europe. That fate helped us to withstand this coalition of Jewish Marxism and Capitalism on all battlefields, we have to thank with all our hearts ... without whose protectional human force, all diligence and all suffering would be in vain.

And behind us is a year, not only of the greatest fight in human history, but also of the hardest trials of our own people, a trial which has been withstood, that can be said now, by the front as well as by the people at home. That the German is not afraid of man and demon, has often been proved in history. This time he was tried not only by the force of human words, as well as by an endless blood stream of the most primitive peoples but in excess of that by the most horrible hardship of nature.

Today we can announce that winter is behind us which was harder than it has been in central and eastern Europe for the past 140 years. Truly, our soldiers and those of our allies have been weighed in the last four months by fate and have been tried for their real inner value. But they have withstood the trial in such a fashion that hardly anyone will be ready to doubt that whatever fate will bring for us, it will be easier than that what is behind us.

After four months, in Summer, the German Wehrmacht, after the successful finish of the Balkan war of 1941, has started the march into the vastness of the Russian space. Battles were fought and victories won which in the far future will be valued as the greatest deeds of glory. Together with their brave allies they had attacked everywhere new Russian armies, had beaten them, eliminated them, in order to ... new masses of men. In four months an endless road was put behind them, in an offensive which in its depth and in its broad expanse has no equal in history.

Sooner than any experience or scientific knowledge had anticipated, a winter broke upon our army which now gave the adversary four months time, to bring about on his part the turning point in this fateful struggle. It was the sole hope for the potentates of the Kremlin, in this behavior of the elements of nature which even they had never experienced, to inflict the Napoleonic fate of 1812 on the German Wehrmacht. In superhuman struggle, under the exertion of the last forces of body and soul, the German and allied soldiers have withstood these trials and thus have conquered the hordes.

History will be able to confirm some months from now if the sacrifice of hecatombs of Russian lives in this struggle was a right or wrong action from a military stand-point.

We know one thing already today: The Bolshevist masses which were not able to conquer the German and allied soldier in the winter, will be beaten in every direction in the summer. The Bolshevist colossus which we only recognize now in all its cruel danger, this is our unchangeable resolution, must never again touch the dangerous territories of Europe, but will find its final frontier in a great distance away from them.

We all recognize the tragic greatness of the time in which we live. A new world is formed.

While in the Far East the heroic Japanese, just as much provoked, maligned, and economically throttled as the German and Italian peoples, are destroying the democratic-capitalistic fortresses, so is Europe now experiencing the creation of the conditions necessary for its real independence, for it is intolerable that the lives of hundreds of millions of people culturally of the highest standard ..., should forever be dependent on the will of a small, truly criminal combination of Jewish-capitalistic, international conspirators and on the public opinion forced by them on some few countries who thus remain hostile against Europe. Therefore, there can be only one solution, which is, to continue this fight until a permanent peace has been guaranteed, i.e., until the destruction of the enemies of such a peace has been accomplished.

By solemnly proclaiming this resolution we shall come the closest to doing justice to the victims and sacrifices demanded by the war of 1914-1918, by the battle of the national socialistic movement, by the inner resurrection of our people, and, finally, by the present war, and to those victims and sacrifices which are still to be demanded by the events to come.

We Germans do not care how the people in the rest of the world formulate their lives. However, the attempt of such nations who from outside of this continent are continuously meddling in strictly European affairs, and especially in matters concerning our own people, alone, will now forever be spoiled and made impossible.

The form of living to which the ... world, or the American President are used, does not concern us Germans. But his intention to fashion the German, or even the European world according to his needs, in other words, to do away with our own kind of world, which we have come to love, and to replace it by one which we hate and which is foreign to us, will not only be frustrated, but, on the contrary, his own world will perish in the attempt. And as regards the intention to punish Europe with Bolshevism, I have once before stated, that the same country which has sold itself to Bolshevism the most will probably be the first to become its victim.

The German people are today sufficiently enlightened regarding this bestial doctrine, and above all, are strong enough to resist effectively this deadly danger to our existence.

Aware of the great year which is behind us, which will be followed by one at least equally as great, we think of our heroes, and of those of our brave allies, past and present, determined to see to it that these sacrifices were not in vain and will not be in vain. We could not celebrate this occasion any more sincerely than by realizing that today's generation has again become worthy of the great periods in the past, in regard to its soldiers on the front, as well as in regard to its men and women in the homeland. Whatever fate may yet ask of us, the years ... of this fight will, in spite of all, be shorter than the years of that ... peace which will be the result of today's struggle. But to make this peace so that it will do justice to the sacrifices of our soldiers who came from all classes of our people, that is the future task of the national socialist state, for all of them died for the eternal German people, for a common Greater Germany, and for a better union among the nations of our continent.

May therefore God give us the strength to continue to do our duty and with this prayer we bow in homage before our dead heroes, before those whom they have left behind in bereavement, and before all the other victims of this war.

The 11th of December of 1941 when I last spoke to you it was my privilege to lay before you an account of the course of events of the preceding year. In their historical magnitude and lasting political significance they are such as may not be recognized to the full extent for centuries to come. After a few weeks the suppression of the uprising in Belgrade which had been instigated by Britain and Moscow, Europe for the first time in perhaps centuries to come became aware of the common danger from the East, upon the successful warding off of which the very existence of the whole of our continent had so often before depended. For many people the causes of this terrible war into which we were forced in 1939, began to be more clearly recognized, for this war did not bear the characteristics of the previous conflicts among the European nations to which we were accustomed. To an ever increasing degree it began to be generally realized that the reasons for this conflict were no longer to be sought in the usual interests even if plausible of the various nations, but that in reality it was one of those elementary struggles which shaking the foundations of the world but once in a thousand years, introduce a new millennium.

Many of the historical figures which have come to the fore in the course of these conflicts have been as little aware of the most profound import, as the simple soldier can be expected to be when he is in the midst of great military operations.

Moreover, the duration of such volcanic eras is so great that the individual human being only too easily fails to appreciate the situation in its entirety and the meaning of the share which he himself takes considered in relation to the whole course of events. But nevertheless, apparently the meaning and purpose of such a process which shakes people and continents, thereby apparently becomes easily recognizable. As you are well aware, there are those who would draw advantage from the existing conditions. Many therefore believe that they are the ones who are driving, when in reality they are the ones who are being driven. Others want to strike and find themselves to be the stricken in the end.

When on the third of September, 1939, after Germany had made countless efforts in the cause of peace, France and Britain declared war on the New Reich, after these states had shoved Poland into the foreground by giving her authority to act as a means of starting the conflagration, one was compelled to doubt the common sense of a world, which instead of averting the terrible misfortune of such a mad war literally forced this catastrophe to happen without any apparent reason.

Now we all know that ever since the internal disruption of the European states Britain had entered into a conspiracy based upon a political doctrine which saw in the disintegration of the continent the essential conditions for the prosperity and the growth of the British Empire. No doubt this thought which dominated British policy was in itself very alluring. While Europe was exhausting her strength in numerous internal wars, Great Britain succeeded in burning up a world-wide structure with a minimum of sacrifice in blood. The title of "Empire" which was given to this structure deserved to be compared with that of imperial Rome as little as an international business concern for the creation of cultural values.

It is an overestimation of the British statesmanship as well as of the political and military capacities of the British to assume that these are the causes for the decay of Europe. Here the origin of the condition is confused with its exploitation. For Europe's decay is due partly to the natural senility of the continental power pre-eminent after the collapse of the Roman Empire, and partly to the deterioration of the elements which had provided the Western center of that time with its racial and constitutional foundation. The dissension between the classical Roman conception of the state on the one hand, and the no less imperial claims of the Roman church on the other brought about the gradual destruction of the foundations of the central state in Europe. To this was added the profound earnestness with which the world then treated questions which were suited to involve Europe in endless internal religious status, while the same problems are today recognized as being completely unimportant as far as the state is concerned, and treated accordingly.

Thus, the collapse of the old German Empire and consequently of the center of the dominant internal European organization was just as little brought about by the British as the collapse of Rome was brought about by the Germanic tribes. In both cases, however, internal conditions of weakness resulted in situations which enabled external forces to intervene, thus imposing a new course on the history of the world for many centuries to come.

Thus, primarily England herself has not been able to cause the disintegration of the continent for as a state she was at that time far too unimportant but she did succeed in profiting from the resulting disintegration of Europe. Thanks to her insular position she acquired only a minimum of strength combined, however, with a maximum of cleverness to continue to maintain the impotence of Europe and with her own scarcely diminished strengths to conquer another world which was partly unexplored or at least culturally and militarily inferior, and partly exhausting itself in continuous internal struggles.

Only a fool can overlook or deny the fact that, like every political organizing process, this process too confers its benefits on the human race, but it is just as foolish to assume that the British Empire could forever maintain the so-called balance in Europe. The racial elements of this continent linked together by blood and outlook who were striving to establish unity could not in the long run be prevented from combining. It was, moreover, completely foolish to assume that on the appearance of a danger forming an equal threat to the existence of all the people in Europe they could prevent the union of the countries thus threatened.

All the uninterrupted series of wars waged for centuries by Britain against the continent could in the main be successful only as long as they were wars against states of a purely dynastic character in order to create (?) other states of a similar nature. As soon, however, as the nations began to awaken to something more than dynastic interests the means employed hitherto by Britain's policy in Europe were doomed to failure. In spite of numerous wars, Britain was in the end not in a position to annihilate the French National State.

In spite of all her efforts, she failed to prevent the unification of the Italians, and in spite of all intervention the German Empire, through the will of the German peoples, and thanks to the endeavor of its great heroes, arose from its former ruins in the moment when it appeared in the superior genius of a Bismarck, not as something to mature with the years to come, but as a completely developed and powerful state. The more firmly the European peoples became established in statehood and convinced of their own worth, the more difficult the maintenance of the European situation was bound to become, which as the so-called balance of power no longer was in accordance with the true power relationships.

This mistaken belief in her ability to keep the European nations continually divided and to stir them up against one another by means of stupid tricks and nonsensical arguments was condemned to ever more drastic failure. Consequently, England was compelled to exchange her role of comfortable beneficiary of a given state of affairs for that of defender, or even of permanent maintainer. As a further consequence, however, the art of negotiation came to an end and in its place came the necessity of doing her own fighting, for which she lacked not only the will but also the ability.

This ability, however, is affected by the consideration of the tremendous and ever-increasing burden laid on the Empire on the one hand and of the ever-increasing sacrifices of blood required to maintain the desired disintegration in Europe on the other. The maintenance of the European balance of power had at least originally, merely the purpose of helping Britain to avoid spilling any of her own blood, and in this way of enabling her to do justice more easily to the requirements of its known world mission. Just as this country was forced to spill her own blood in Europe so there had to come a time when a maintenance of an European fragmentation demanded more strength of England than she could spare from the maintenance of her own Empire. The great exhaustion which followed the Napoleonic wars, which after all were conducted with Continental forces, was the first sign that the British doctrine of maintaining the European balance of power had had its day. However, apart from this the idea that the British Empire required a weak and disrupted Europe for its very existence, only held good as long as there were no threatening and equally strong opponents on the periphery of the Empire itself.

Then the Russian colossus fought his way from Europe across Asia to the Far East, when the North American Union became a structure not only independent of England but also completely safe from attack by her, and even more when the Japanese Empire, like Italy and Germany, woke from its sleep to become the leading power in the Far East, the pre-supposed conditions for the existence of the British Empire were fundamentally changed. Its structure could in the long run not be kept up in opposition to Europe but at best, in collaboration with Europe. In 1914, in spite of sustained efforts on the part of Germany to preserve peace, Britain, still following her old doctrine, declared war on the German Reich of those days with the help of a superior coalition of powers. For the time being this weakened Germany in her importance and in her position in Europe and ousted her from the rest of the world. But two facts at least had to be recognized and admitted by anyone who was not completely blind, at the end of what was up till then the bloodiest struggle in the history of the world.

First, that it was only a question of time until Germany would shake off the fetters imposed upon her, that a nation that could hold out for four years against the whole world could only have been forced by swindles and lies and through an inner revolt to Versailles, and which some day will not only recognize the deception that it had to undergo, but which will do away with its consequences as a matter of course in spite of the force which is practiced against it.

Second: the help that England had been asked for in the course of the war could not be canceled any more that, is the appeal of the English government to America as a last resort, has brought this continent to an economic and political importance which England will never be able to erase.

When England entered the world war she was fighting to retain her power at sea, and was not prepared to grant Germany a strength of five or even six to ten. When England, as she believed at that time, had victoriously terminated the war, Japan had taken the place of Germany, and America the place of England herself.

The structure of the British world empire had, however, not gained in inner strength by this fight; it began to weaken. If, for tactical reasons, later rather the idea of the world Empire was used instead of the world Empire, it was done in order to make a virtue out of a necessity which could not be avoided. When she in that time of severest military crisis asked for help with the aid of promises which she did not intend to keep, it was quite clear already that some day the deceived would ask for their repayment, which means that notes had been given which sooner or later would have to be redeemed.

Neither the English nor the German world is able to forget the assurance by the means of which they were once deceived into the sacrifice for the maintenance of the British empire. The fact that England herself came out of this war badly shaken, burdened financially and exhausted in blood, may serve as further proof that already the first world war was a war of position, that is a success which would only be the father of later defeats.

Another such war for the maintenance of the European balance of power and England would be forced to loose the necessary balance within the frame of the world Empire itself, that is to say the force which has been dissipated in the defense of an impossible European order, is lost in connection with the defense of their own Empire, and for this reason the new war will only end with the catastrophe of the British Empire.

With whomever England allies herself, she will see at the end of this war her allies stronger than she is herself or ever will be. Her arch-capitalists and the Bolshevist statesmen may greet each other with the greatest possible deceptive friendship, her archbishops may embrace the bloody spectre of Bolshevism as fervently as possible, the more lies, deception and corruption have to be used in order to hide the unnatural coalitions of this Empire from her own people or from humanity, the less they will be able to deceive the nations with a vision and to hinder the natural progress of a forced historical development.

There is a wise proverb which says that the gods strike blind those whom they wish to destroy. I do not know whether every Englishman today still thinks that Britain acted with wisdom and inspiration when she declined the innumerable proposals for an understanding which I have made since 1933. Nor do I know whether every Englishman today is as convinced that it was wise to refuse my offer of an alliance renewed as late as September 1st, 1939, and to repudiate my peace proposals at the conclusion of the campaign in Poland and France.

I, for my part, acknowledge another precept which says that man must deal the final blow to those whose downfall is destined by God.

So, what must happen, will happen. If, however, in the life of a people, judgment and reason seem to have been silenced, that does not necessarily mean that there is no thinking organ present where from outward appearances the only causes are stupidity or stubbornness.

The British Jew, Lord Disraeli, once said that the race problem is the key to the history of the world. We National Socialists have become great in this knowledge. By devoting our attention to the existence of the race problem, we have found the solution for many problems which would have otherwise have seemed incomprehensible . . .

The hidden forces which incited England already in 1914, in the first world war, were Jews. The force which paralyzed us at that time and finally forced us to surrender with the slogan that Germany was no longer able to bear homeward a victorious flag, came from the Jews. It was the Jews who fomented the revolution among our people and thus robbed us of every possibility at further resistance. Since 1939 the Jews have maneuvered the British Empire into the most perilous crisis it has ever known. The Jews were the carriers of that Bolshevist infection which once threatened to destroy Europe. It was also they who incited the ranks of the plutocracies to war, and it is the Jews who have driven America to war against all her own interests, simply and solely from the Jewish capitalistic point of view. And President Roosevelt, lacking ability himself, lends an ear to his brain trust, whose leading men I do not need to mention by name; they are Jews, nothing but Jews. And once again, as in the year 1915, she (America) will be incited by a Jewish President and his completely Jewish entourage to go to war without any reason or sense whatever, with nations which have never done anything to America, and with people from whom America can never win anything. For what is the sense of a war waged by a state having territory without people against people without territory. In the terms of the war it is no longer a question of the interests of individual nations; it is, rather, a question of conflict between nations which want to make the lives of their people secure on this earth, and nations which have become the helpless tools of an international world parasite.

The German soldiers and the allies have had an opportunity to witness at first hand the actual work of this Jewish International-war mongers in that country in which Jewish dictatorship has exclusive power and in which it is being taught as the most ideal form of government in the world for future generations and to which low subjects of other nations have become inexplicably subservient just as this was the case with us at one time.

And at this juncture this seemingly senile Europe has, as always in the course of its history, raised aloft the torch of its perception and today the men of Europe are marching as the representatives of a new and better order as the genuine youth of social and national liberty throughout the world.

Gentlemen! In the course of this winter a decision has been reached in international struggle which as regards to problems involved far exceeds in scope those difficulties which must and can be solved in normal warfare; when in November 1918 the German nation being befogged by the hypocritical phraseology of the American President at that time, Wilson, laid down its arms, although undefeated, and withdrew from the field of battle it was acting under the influence of that Jewish race which hoped to succeed in establishing a secure bulwark of Bolshevism in the very heart of Europe.

We know the theoretical principles and the cruel truth regarding the aims of this world-wide pestilence. It is called, "the Rule of the Proletariat," and it really is "Jewish Dictatorship," the extermination of national government and of the intelligent element among the nations, and the rule over the proletariat after it has thus deprived of its leaders and through its own fault ended defenseless by the concerted efforts of Jewish international criminals.

It was desired that what had been accomplished in Russia to such an appalling extent, namely the extermination of countless millions of leading men, should be continued in Germany. If this scheme failed then it was due to the fact that our people still possessed so many healthy qualities and that the Bolshevist faction lacked courage at least as far as its leaders all of whom were Jews were concerned; while the proletariat under its leadership lacked the unity of mutual feeling necessary to carry out throughout Germany quickly what had been accomplished in Russia.

Nevertheless in certain part of the Reich we did experience the preliminary stages of these conditions proof of which are the blood sacrifices of countless idealists.

The curse of this devilish work pressed more heavily upon Hungary, and there the Jewish power could only be broken by force. The name of the man who became the savior of Hungary in the struggle against the criminals still lives among us as one of the first representatives of the beginning European renaissance.

The real strong action against the menacing destruction of people and state took place in Italy. In a heroic revolt without equal, the Italian participants of the war and the youth have destroyed under the leadership of one who was blessed above all others, the compromise of democratic cowardice and Bolshevist force in a bloody struggle and have erected on their place a new positive idea of people and state. I recommend to every German the study of the history of the Fascist revolution, and in doing so, he will not without inner excitement pursue the road and the emotion of a man who has so much in common with us that we perceive his struggle almost as a part of our own fate. Only from the victory of Fascism on it was possible to speak of the beginning of the salvation of Europe, for from now on not the blunt force of the ..., but a truly constructive new idea had taken the place of the conglomeration of thought of destructive and decomposing nature.

For the first time the Bolshevists were not only beaten by a government, but above all the Marxists were won over, won over for the reconstruction of a better and healthier order of society which does not see in the state the carrier of a protection for a certain stratum of society, but the supposition for the conservation of the life of all.

At the same time when this history making event took place, the National Socialist movement for the fulfillment of this mission was growing in our own people. Here, too, came the hour when in the struggle between Jewish Internationalism and National Socialist conception of people and state, healthy nature came to life.

In most of the other European countries the same conflict has developed, only with this difference that in some countries it was first covered with compromise while in others it was eliminated for the time being with drastic government measures. All of us have in mind the next great decisive conflict Spain, where under the leadership of a single man a clear and definite and final decision was enforced and where again by a bloody civil war the national revolution succeeded in the overthrow of its arch enemy, Bolshevism.

With the mounting knowledge that the Jews are the parasitic germ of these diseases, one European state after another was forced during the past year to take a stand towards this vital question of fate. The desire for self-preservation forced them to adopt measures which would strongly protect their own peoples against this international poison.

It is true that Bolshevist Russia is the practical product of this Jewish infection, but it should not be forgotten that democratic capitalism is creating its preliminary condition. Here the Jews prepare what they accomplish in the second act of the process. During the first stage they disinherit millions of creating people to helpless slaves, or, as they say themselves, to ex-proprietary proletarians, in order to inflame them as fanatic masses to the destruction of their foundations of state; later follows the extermination of their own national intelligence and finally the removal of those cultural foundations, of that thousand year old hereditary power which gives these peoples their inner value and which may have the effect of warning for the future. What then is left is the animal in man and a Jewish clique, which, if admitted to leadership, destroys in the end the own soil on which it lives. To this process, which, as Mommsen says, is decomposing in the hands of the Jews the peoples and states, the young awakening Europe has declared war. Proud honorable peoples in other parts of the world have rallied to its cause.

They will yet be joined by hundreds of millions of people, suppressed people, who, no matter how their present leaders may view the situation, will one day break their bonds. An end will be put to those liars who pretend that they are protecting the world from a menacing foreign domination and in reality are trying to save their own world rule.

In this tremendous and truly historical uprising of the nations we are all now taking our part, some of us as leaders, others as actors or performers. On one side we find the exponents of democracy, that is Jewish capitalism with all its deadweight of obsolete political theories and parliamentary corruption, its out-moded social order, the Jewish brain trust, the Jewish newspapers, stock exchanges and banks, a concern of mixed political and economic profiteers of the worst order, arm in arm with the Bolshevist state. Those powers of a perverted humanity are ruling, over them the Jew, who brandishes a bloody scourge in Soviet Russia.

On the other side we find the nations who are fighting for their freedom and independence, who above all are fighting to assure the daily bread of their people. That is, the so-called Haves from the cellars of the Kremlin to the vaults of the banking houses in New York against the Have-Nots, that is those nations for whom a single bad harvest means privation and hunger and who, all of us, ask for the daily bread for our inhabitants to live by, when in the states and countries of the haves wheat, corn, coffee, etc. are being burned or otherwise destroyed, simply in order to obtain somewhat higher prices. But Eastern Europe is today the battlefield on which the decision will be reached in this struggle. I have preferred to speak to you, my delegates, about the successes in the years of fighting now behind us when the time and circumstances were opportune, and on the operations of the past year this was possible for the last time on December 11.

Let me emphasize especially here, that these speeches are directed first of all to the German people and its friends. I do not speak in order to convince people of something, who whether out of stupidity or ill intent neither are able to see nor wish to heal the truth, for, to pick out an example, if we compare the real course of events with those inferences which a Mr. Churchill draws from them, there appears such a glaring discrepancy between the events and their interpretations that any attempt to bridge these opposite viewpoints must be futile.

Since September, 1939, in fact ever since National Socialism came into power I would appear to have been the victim of error and always to have done the wrong thing. On the other hand there has been no phase during these events which Mr. Churchill has not described as encouraging nor will he ever presumably desist from doing so. The fact that England once upon a time declared war on us was an "encouraging sign" of her internal strength. That it was possible to find others who were willing to let themselves be led to the slaughter house in the interest of British egotism, was of course, no less "encouraging." Even a simple meeting between Churchill and Daladier or Paul Reynaud or others always showed "encouraging" symptoms. Discussions between two or more Allied generals are just as "encouraging" proofs of the progress of the military aspect of the democracies as the fireside talks of the sick man of the White House are of the moral aspect.

When Cripps flew to Moscow for the first time it was no less encouraging than his return flight from India. That General Mac Arthur succeeded in fleeing from the Philippines just in time was also "encouraging" just as it is encouraging if 20 Englishmen with blackened faces and on rubber soles succeed in creeping to some point of the coast occupied by us in the rubber dingy, to land only to withdraw hastily as soon as a German patrol came into sight.

When an emigre government, i.e. a collection of the zeros, issued a statement against Germany then it is hailed as encouraging just as much as when Churchill formally announces the destruction of German U-boats or a new invention or a new offensive or a second front, etc. There's nothing one can do about that. Every nation has its own kind of encouragement. For instance I once considered it encouraging that we succeeded within 18 days and in a number of tremendous battles of annihilation in sweeping away the Polish state with its 33 million people.

I also regarded it as encouraging that during this entire period neither France nor England dared take even the slightest action on the Siegfried line. I believe it also was encouraging when we were able to land in Norway but not at night with blackened faces and rubber shoes but during broad daylight and in hob nail boots and that we took control of the entire country of Norway in barely six weeks.

And in any case it was most encouraging for all of us to witness how the British expeditionary army was driven out of Norway in a few weeks.

Similarly I believe that we all have a right to find encouragement in the fact that it was possible for us in the short space of six weeks entirely to annihilate the Anglo-French armies, to bring Holland under our power in less than a week and Belgium in a bare three weeks, and as for the British forces, to smash them, capture them, and drive them into the sea at Dunkirk.

I personally found it especially encouraging that together with Italy we were able to win great victories, not only in France but also in North Africa. In my opinion it was no less encouraging that we were able, together with our allies, to smash within a few weeks the Serbian revolt inspired by Washington and London and plotted by Moscow. Further, we were encouraged also by witnessing the rapid withdrawal of the British expeditionary army there too, first toward the Peloponnesus and then via Crete into the sea, in so far as it was not likewise annihilated by us or taken prisoner. No less encouraging was the fact for the German people, that since the 22nd of June of last year, together with our allies, we were able to drive the Bolshevik menace over a thousand kilometers back from our frontiers in battles unique in history, and that at the same time our U-boats and other naval forces, as well as our air force, sank more than 16 million tons of enemy merchant shipping and are continuing to sink them today and will go on sinking them.

I regard it as encouraging, for example, that in the wide spaces of the East we were able to construct and operate a network of railways to our own gauge which is today larger than that of all Great Britain.

And as for the heroic deeds of Japan, that singular march of victory, I can say nothing other than that in our eyes they are extremely "encouraging."

I could therefore counter the encouraging factors off of which Mr. Churchill and Mr. Roosevelt live with countless deeds which constitute an encouragement for us. But perhaps the most encouraging thing that I'm able to find at all for Germany and her allies is the fact that Messrs. Churchill and Roosevelt are in London and Washington and not in Berlin or Rome. The English won't believe this, but it's the truth.

My delegates, men of the Reichstag, when I was speaking to you last time the East was being enshrouded in a winter such as Europe had not witnessed even in those regions for over 140 years.

In a few days the thermometer dropped from zero and above to 47 degrees below zero and more. What that means, nobody can imagine who has not lived through it himself. Four weeks earlier than anticipated all further operations found an abrupt end. The front which was in the advancing stage was not allowed to flow back, neither could it be left in the positions where it was at that moment. Thus followed therefore the retreat to a general line which reaches from Taganrog to the Lake of Ladoga. I can reveal at present that this procedure which can be represented in such an easy way here was in reality extremely hard to execute. The lightning arrival of a cold which even in these territories makes its appearance only once every hundred years, did not only paralyze the men but also the machines. There were moments when it threatened to paralyze both. Whoever sees the vast expanses of the east, has to reckon with the psychological burden which destroyed in 1812 the French armies and which just for that reason even as remembrance is still able to paralyze the energy of weak beings.

The main burden of the struggle was now with the army and with the allied foreign detachments. I have, therefore, looked upon it as my duty of honor to join my name in this moment with that of the army. I feel myself as a soldier so responsible for the conduct of this struggle that I would have looked upon it as ... not to identify with my person in this grave hour what fate still seemed to have in store for us.

That we have now succeeded to master this menacing catastrophe completely, I have to thank in the first and final place the bravery, the faithfulness and the unbounding readiness for suffering of our brave soldiers.

They alone have made it possible for me to hold a front against which our enemies began to throw countless numbers of men. All through these months fresh and hardly trained hordes from the interior of Asia and from the Caucasus hurled themselves against our lines which especially at night could only be manned from point to point. For it is obviously impossible to lie out in the open without any cover at 30 or 40 or more degrees below zero. Whenever however the Russians did succeed by continuously attacking in penetrating or infiltrating between these hardly fortified localities they had to sacrifice their men by the hundred thousands.

The problem, however, which weighed most heavily on us during this time was that of reinforcement and supplies. Neither the German soldiers nor the German tanks nor the German railway engines were prepared for spells of such intense cold as we encountered. Yet the problem of insuring supplies for the army was a question of vital importance. Thus, I feel sure that you will understand and certainly approve that here and there it took hard and drastic measures in order to master by the grimmest determination the fate to which we might otherwise have to succumb.

Gentlemen, when in 1812 Napoleon's armies swarmed back from Moscow and were finally destroyed the lowest temperatures were in the neighborhood of 25 centigrade below zero. This year, however, the lowest degree of cold recorded by us at one point of the Eastern front was exactly 52 degrees below zero. In generally appraising the achievements of our troops I can only say one thing and that is, that every man has done his full duty. Top honors certainly go to our infantry again. After marching thousands of miles, going from attack to attack, they found themselves suddenly, overnight as it were, in the throes of a winter such as they had never dreamed of much less experienced. We all know the numbing effects of intense cold. It exerts a soporific influence on man and thus kills him without pain. The fact that we were spared this fate during those critical weeks we owe to the superhuman efforts and will power not only of those men but especially of the non-commissioned officers and all officers up to those generals who recognizing the impending danger again and again stirred up the men regardless of their own life and forged them into that unity which is today the best thing that could ever have been defended by a German soldier. Speaking of the infantry, however, I wish to mention today for the first time the ever constant and exemplary fortitude and determination of my good SS divisions and SS police formations.

From the very first I have looked upon them as a determined body of men, obedient, loyal and brave in war just as they had pledged themselves to be in times of peace.

But beside this infantry, the tank corps men, the anti-tank fighters, the pioneer and the gunners, the dispatch writers and last but not least the drivers of our motorized columns fought in exactly the same way. All of them have earned the gratitude of their country.

The Luftwaffe has helped these brave soldiers again and again with heroic action, and not only with their chasers and fighters, their observation and transport flyers, but where it was necessary even with Falk and Luftwaffe-battalions which protected in the ground war their own airfields and sectors of the front which were especially menaced. Construction troops of the Organization Todt, of the Standard Pseer helped amidst great cold to free the veins of traffic again and again from impediments and to defend the traffic lanes if necessary with their own blood against partisans. Men of the labor service fought interchangeably once with the shovel and another time with the rifle.

Superhuman feats were demanded of medical officers, corporals, stretcher-bearers, male nurses, and especially of the Sisters of the Red Cross and of the N.S.V. (National sozialistische Volkswohlfahrt). Railroad engineers constructed always new lines, bridges, viaducts, in a time when the steel was so brittle that the rails started to crack under the impact of the machines. Over-tired, the engine and switch personnel has tried to help the comrades on the front, for there was a time when everything depended on single line and single trains.

That this could be mastered, we have to thank the courage of death and the readiness for action of numerous nameless heroes. They will enter the history of our people as unforgettable carriers of glory.

It would be a great wrong if I would not recall today all those who have shared with us the same suffering. To speak of our Finnish comrades in arms is hardly necessary. They are so remarkable and so experienced in this struggle that they will always be a prototype. They possessed above all the great calm in regards to the penetrated or filtered Russian detachments. After decoying the Russians first, they began with the destruction of the Bolshevists who were operating behind their backs. But now that I speak of the north, I have to mention the soldiers of a Division which comes from the south of Europe and who have gone through all the experiences which we had to demand of our own soldiers.

When the Spanish Division will return to its homeland, we will not be able to give them any other testimony but the recognition of faith and valor unto death.

This same valuation we have to accord all other detachments, the Hungarian as well as the Slovakian and Croatian Allies. They have fulfilled their task with the greatest bravery and dependability. The three Italian divisions have stayed during the entire winter where they were in spite of a cold which must have been especially painful for them, and also with them, thanks to their courage every Russian break through has been condemned to failure.

The same can be said for the brave soldiers of the Rumanian army under the leadership of their Marshal Antonescu. On the entire front a slow melting together of the very different European peoples can be observed against the common enemy. This does not only apply to the German volunteer troops in the S.S. detachments, but also to the Belgian and French participants in this common action, yes, even Lithuanians, Latvians and Esthonians, Ukrainians and Tartars took part in the fight against the Bolshevist world enemy.

The air force of our Allies too from the Finns to the Italian chasers have cost heavy losses to our enemies. Only in a few single instances in the course of these formidable historic successes has it become necessary for me to act personally; only when lack of nerve or obedience or of sense of duty in the fulfillment of certain tasks became evident did I make hard decisions by virtue of the sovereign right which I feel the German people has conferred upon me for meeting such emergencies; let me here express my thanks not only on behalf of myself but also of our soldiers that the home land supported me in this struggle. I am justly proud and I am highly gratified that now the effects of a national Socialist education of our people are beginning to make themselves felt more and more, despite the fact that the National Socialist Party has the greater part not only of its members but also of its leaders at the front and that millions of men belonging to the political organization, the labor front, the Nationalist-Socialist welfare section and so on, are fulfilling their duty and ... function in an exemplary manner. Not only our occasional emergency at home gets relief by such organizations of a party as the labor front or the welfare section but the party also attends to the comfort of the soldiers at the front. My appeal for warm winter clothing made it possible with the assistance of various measures for the improvement of supplies for the front to furnish the soldiers above all with warmer clothing than had hitherto been the case.

Therefore, all of us, and I, now speaking in particular on behalf: of the men in the front lines, must be possessed with this proud feeling; we have mastered a destiny which has crushed some one else one hundred and thirty years ago.

The test which the front of the country passed during this winter should be a lesson for us all. As regards organization I have taken those measures which are necessary to save our country from a repetition of similar emergencies. The German national railways will during next winter wherever it may find us do even more justice to their task than the winter before. From railway entrance to tanks, tractors, platoons and trucks our army in the East will be better equipped for the individual soldier, however, should such severe climate conditions repeat themselves, similar conditions to those of last winter will not arise again as the result of experience and work.

That I am determined to do everything in this direction in order to do justice to these problems, you, my old party comrades will not doubt. However, there's one thing I shall expect, namely that the country will give me the authority to immediately intervene and take personal charge whenever unconditional attention is not paid in the service of great and vital tasks. The front and the homeland, transportation administration, and our agriculture (?) must obey only one thought and that is to win the victory.

Nobody at this stage can insist on his vested rights and all must know that today there are only duties to be fulfilled. Therefore, I ask all the German Reichstag the definite assurance that I possess the legal authority to see to it that every individual performs his duty and that I may condemn such cases which in my opinion do not fulfill their duties to be imprisoned or to be deprived of their office and position no matter who they be or what rights they may have acquired and especially because there are only very few exceptions among millions of decent people.

For above all rights to these exceptions stands today the only common duty; I am therefore not interested during the present time of stress in each special case, for instance whether or not the officials or employees could be granted leave, and I also forbid that this leave which cannot be granted should be accumulated for later times. If anyone would have the right to ask for leave then it would be our soldiers on the front.

Only he, and then maybe the worker and the female worker, ... and since I was not able to give any leave for the past months on the eastern front, let nobody come ... with the phrase of his well-earned right to leave in some official position.

I myself have the right to refuse it for what is may be not known to all of you-I myself have not taken three days of leave since 1933. I also expect that the German jurisprudence understands that the nation is not there for them but they for the nation. That not the entire world is allowed to perish, in which also Germany is included, so that there is a formal right, but that Germany has to live, notwithstanding the formal interpretation of justice.

I have no understanding for it, just to mention an example, that for instance a criminal who married in 1937 and then mistreated his wife that she became mentally deranged and who then died of the results of his last mistreatment, is sentenced to 5 years of hard labor in a moment when 10,000 brave German men have to die in order to save the homeland from Bolshevism, that means to protect their wives and children.

I will take a hand in these cases from now on and direct the order to the judges that they recognize that as right what I order.

What German soldiers, German workers, peasants, our women in city and country and millions of our middle-class etc. do and sacrifice all only with the one thought of victory in their minds, then one can ask a congenial attitude for them who have been called by the people themselves to take care of their interests.

At present there are no self-styled saints with well-earned rights, but we all are only obedient servants in the interests of our people.

My representatives and men of the Reichstag: We have a gigantic winter battle behind us. The hour will come when the fronts will awaken from their paralyzed state, and then history will decide who has been the victor in this winter, the attacker who sacrificed his masses of men idiotically; or the defender who thought of nothing but the holding of his positions.

I read this week continually of the terrible threats of our adversaries. You know that I take my task much too wholly and serious, in order to be ever frivolous. What men can do to prevent dangers, I have done and I will also do it in future. And how sufficient our preparations are for the conquest of these dangers, the future will tell.

The great generals of England and the U.S. inspire neither fear nor horror to me. In my eyes generals, for instance as MacArthur, do not possess attracting capacities but rather fleeing ones (play with words which cannot be translated properly). I am astonished about the frugality of my adversaries in the planning of the measure for the greatness of their own successes or of their persons.

But if in England the idea should prevail of carrying on air warfare against the civilian population with new methods, then I should like right now to state the following to the whole world: Mr. Churchill began this warfare in May, 1940. For four months I warned him and waited. Then the time came in which I was compelled to act. The person who was alone responsible for this kind of fighting began to complain. Even now my waiting is no weakness. Let this man not complain and whine again when I find myself compelled to give an answer which will bring very much suffering upon his own people.

From now on I shall repay blow with blow until this criminal himself and his work are crushed.

When I look at the world which we embody, at all the men with whom I have the pleasure of being connected or who are my friends, and then when I look at the groups of political leaders in the Reich, at my Reich, ... Gauleiter, Reich governors, General Gouverneurs, Reich Commissars, at my Ministers, at my Reich Marshal, the Field Marshals, ... Major Generals and the countless other leaders on the fronts, then I look forward with the greatest confidence to a future in which history will not be made by clowns but by men.

The fight in the East will have its continuation. The Bolshevik colossus will be beaten by us just as it is. With England itself it is first a question of the German submarine arm.

As early as the fall of 1939 Mr. Churchill, after he had sunk about ten U-boats almost every day, had promised the English people that he had mastered the U-boat peril; so I will assure him today that this peril will sooner master him.

I have already remarked elsewhere that the paralysing of German U-boat activity last year was to be ascribed exclusively to the endeavour to avoid every conceivable occasion for a conflict with America. But this could not prevent the President of the American union, driven by his Jewish bosses, from trying new measures (?) all the time to him in German warfare and by means of declarations contrary to international law to make U-boat warfare altogether impossible. Consequently it was a relief for us when the brave Japanese people decided to answer the shameless provocations of this madman in the only manner answerable to their own people and to history.

... finally exposed the ocean in the greatest degree to the German U-boat arm. And if the British and American press spin new inventions every week which would lead to the certain annihilation of the U-boats, this is no more new than the opposite would be new, that the German U-boats and those of our allies improve their weapons from year to year.

What the German Navy has accomplished in spite of its small numbers surpasses by far everything that our so much larger one of the World War was able to accomplish. What our U-boats can do will be demonstrated more each month. For in reply to the assertions of Churchill in the fall of 1939 about the end (?) of the German U-boats, I can only assure him, that their number is growing in a steady rhythm from month to month and that today already it has left far behind the highest number of all U-boats in the World War.

While the Italian-German cooperation in the Mediterranean has led to a comradeship which has become closer and closer, the cooperation between Germany, Italy and Japan and the other Allies achieved just as great success in other theatres of war. The fact that the provocation of Japan to enter this war was an entirely senseless act on the part of our enemies has been proven in a few months by the heroic struggle of this nation. I do not know whether every Englishman is today firmly convinced that Mr. Churchill's and Roosevelt's policies were correct and that this war could ever have been profitable to them.

We Germans have everything to gain in this struggle for existence, for to lose this war would mean our finish. Asiatic barbarism would flood Europe just as it happened at the time of the Huns or the Mongolians. Nobody knows that better than the German soldier and the nations who are fighting by his side and who have had an opportunity to become acquainted with the meaning of Bolshevist liberation of humanity.

England however, will win nothing in this war. It will lose and then perhaps it will gradually begin to realize that the fate of nations and peoples must not be entrusted to the care of a cynical drunkard nor of people who are mentally ill.

Truth will be the final victor in this fight. Truth, however, is with us. I'm proud of the fact that destiny has chosen me to lead the German nation in such a great period. I have no ...

For always I aim to tie my name and my life to its fate. I have no other favor to ask of the Almighty but to let us be victorious in the future as we were in the past and to let me live only as long as he considers necessary to conclude this fight for existence of the German nation for there is no greater glory than the honor to be the leader of one's people and thereby the bearer of responsibility in times of stress and nothing could make me feel any happier than the thought that that people is my own, my German people.

Or does anyone want to suggest that Finland threatened world peace? But it was nevertheless attacked, and in 1941 had Germany not intervened its very existence would already have had been exposed to a new and dreadful test. We do not need to waste words on the outcome of these latest Bolshevistic activities. No one seriously believes that the Estonians, the Latvians and the Lithuanians really would have wanted to conquer the Ural mountains.

Nevertheless the Soviet Union decided to expel these people from their countries and to transport them to Siberia. Romania certainly did not intend either to take the Caucusus or the oil fields at Baku, but Russia obstinately pursued its goal of occupying not only the estuary of the Danube but also the Romanian oil fields and in addition to that the entire Balkans, and of using them as a spring board for further expansion. There is only one state which can successfully resist this onslaught from Eastern Europe which has been a constant threat for almost 2000 years, and that state is Germany.

And although this struggle is enormously difficult even for our People, it only proves that absolutely no state would be able to resist this danger without Germany or with Germany as its enemy. Any hope by individual European nations of receiving lenient treatment in return for good behavior or by flattering the Muscovites, is at best childish stupidity or pitiful cowardice. Moreover, the belief that in place of Germany another, possibly even a non-European power, could take over the protection of this continent is not only thoughtless but reveals a genuine moral weakness. It is primarily due to the complete ignorance of middle class politicians that in many countries people act as though they believe that the Jewish plutocratic West will overcome the Jewish Bolshevist East. No, the opposite will occur. One day the Jewish Bolshevist East will make it unnecessary for the Jews in the West to indulge in further hypocrisy. They can then reveal their ultimate goal with absolute candor. For the Jewish western democracy will sooner or later itself end in Bolshevism. The same naive souls, however, who today believe that they have discovered in Stalin the spirit who will save them, will perhaps discover sooner than they imagine that the spirits which they have summoned from the underworld will strangle them, and do so in their own countries....

... The fact that in this war England was again the driving force, and that it was responsible for the war, declared the war and is waging the war together with the Jews, is merely a repetition of the events of the first World War. But it can also be safely assumed that the outcome of such powerful historical events will not be the same twice over, since the forces of yesterday cannot be compared to those of today. No one can fail to recognize that the Germany of today is a different state to the Germany of 1914-1918, just as November 9 1943 is not November 9 1918.

The struggle in which we have been engaged since 1939 is too powerful and unique to be measured against petty disputes between states. We are now fighting in the fifth year of the greatest war of all times. When it began the enemy in the East was scarcely 150 kilometers from Berlin. In the West his fortresses threatened the Rhine. The Saar was within the range of his artillery. On the Belgium and Dutch borders lurked the allied mercenaries of England and France scarcely 100 kilometers from our largest industrial areas. Meanwhile the democratic government of Norway signed the agreements which were intended to one day bring it into our enemy's camp. In the Balkans there was a latent danger of the most unwelcome surprises. Italy was forced to adopt a neutral status by the attitude of the King and his clique. Germany thus stood entirely alone.

And now, fellow party members, this National Socialist state, by a series of powerful blows unrivalled in history, has destroyed the ring which encircled it, and by the heroism of its soldiers has at almost everywhere moved the front lines considerably more than 1000 kilometers from the frontiers of the Reich. Our enemies have become modest. What they call victories today, are what in our case they used to describe as totally unimportant operations. However, these operations, at that time described as unimportant, have created the huge battle field where the major part of the present struggle between the nations is taking place. In addition to our great allies in the Far East, European nations have clearly recognized the immensity of the historical tasks and have made their sacrifices accordingly. If the sacrifices of our greatest European ally have in the end been more or less fruitless, that is to be attributed solely to an act of planned sabotage by a pitiful clique who, after years of vacillation, finally raised the energy to perpetrate a deed which as an act of shamelessness undoubtedly has the dubious distinction of being unparalleled in
history.

I am happy that we have at least succeeded in freeing from the clutches of the most pitiful creatures of this otherwise so powerful era the man who himself has done everything, both to make his People great, strong and happy, and to allow it to participate in a historical conflict which will ultimately decide the fate and the culture of this continent. It is obvious that the Italian collapse with all its consequences could not fail to have some impact on the entire course of the war. Nevertheless, here, too, our enemies' hopes are futile. What they hoped for from the outset has not happened and what they are hoping for the future will not take place either. They had hoped that in one fell swoop the German divisions in Italy would be cut off and annihilated, that the German occupation forces on the islands would therefore be lost, that the Balkans would fall into their laps like a ripe plum, and that by this one blow they could carry the war to the German frontiers. What was to have been the lightning offensive to the Brenner has turned into a snail's pace offensive a long way south of Rome. It will now take its toll of blood and not according to our enemy's calculations but according to our plans.

Every new landing will force them to tie up more and more shipping. It will fragment our enemies' forces and provide new opportunities for us to use our weaponry. Wherever such a landing takes place, however, it will find us ready, and they will find out - to quote Churchill - "that it is one thing to land in Sicily to fight the Italians and another thing to land on the Channel coast, in France, in Denmark, or in Norway to fight the Germans." It will also become clear then whether our restraint in some areas was weakness or sober calculation.

The battle in the East is the most difficult which the German People have ever had to bear. Our enemy's achievements pale by comparison with what our men are enduring here. Here, too, not only will their ultimate goal, to cause the collapse of the German front, not be achieved, but as always in world history only the final battle will decide the final outcome. This battle will, however, be won by the People which with the greatest innate worth, with the greatest persistence and with the greatest fanaticism take advantage of the decisive moment. Hence what I am demanding of the German soldier is enormous. The task of those at the front is to accomplish the seemingly impossible. The task of those at home is to support and strengthen those at the front line in their struggle to achieve what seems impossible, or what may seem impossible to bear, so that those at the front recognize clearly that the fate of our entire People, of our women and children and of our entire future depends on the mobilization of our total strength to force a decision in our favour; that every sacrifice which we make today is nothing compared to the sacrifices which we would be forced to make if we were not to win the war; that therefore our only
thought must be to conduct the war ruthlessly with the unalterable goal of achieving victory, no matter what the situation and where we have to fight.

When the treason of the King of Italy, the Crown Prince and his military clique became increasingly obvious, our situation was not nice, in some people's eyes even desperate. The two dictators of the democracies were already hoping to get together in Washington to celebrate the entertaining spectacle of the destruction of the German armies and the extradition of my friend. And yet what seemed impossible was made possible in a few weeks. Almost overnight from an apparent catastrophe came a series of the most glorious actions, which led to a complete restoration of our situation, indeed in some respects to its improvement. One day when this war is over, our greatest victories will be attributed to our faith and our persistence rather than to our unique energy and thus to individual actions.....

.... The second weapon on which they are counting is aerial bombing. We are all aware what the German homeland has to endure in this respect, and you can image what I personally feel about this. When this war began, the American President hypocritically approached me with the request not to use aerial bombing raids. We did not do that. But this request was only made in order to give our enemies time to prepare for this war and then to start it at the appropriate moment.

I would like to say two things at this point: it is only the victims here at home for whom I feel sorry, above all the women and children amongst them. What distresses me is that these people lose all their possessions. Compared to that the damage incurred by our industries is far less important. It does not in the least prevent our weapons production from continually increasing.

And there is one thing about which people should be clear: we will rebuild our cities again, and they will be more beautiful than ever before, and we will do this in record time. If it is possible for a People to wage a battle against the entire world, if it is possible for a People to pour six or eight or even ten million cubic meters of concrete for fortresses in one year, if it is possible for a People to build from the ground up thousands of weapons factories, then a People of this nature will also be able to build two or three million dwellings. In less than two to three years after the end of the war, the residences will all be there again, no
matter how many they destroy.

The Americans and the English are now planning the reconstruction of the world. I am now planning the reconstruction of Germany. There will, however, be one difference: whereas the reconstruction of the world by the Americans and the English will not take place, the reconstruction of Germany by National Socialism will be carried out precisely and according to plan! ...

My fellow Germans!

Yet another of the countless attempts on my life has been planned and carried out. I am speaking to you for two reasons: 1. So that you can hear my voice and know that I myself am not injured and well. 2. So that you can hear the details of a crime without parallel in German history.

A very small clique of ambitious, unscrupulous, criminal and stupid officers formed a conspiracy to do away with me and at the same time to wipe out virtually the entire staff of the German High Command. The bomb which was planted by Colonel von Stauffenberg exploded two meters to my right. It seriously injured a number of my colleagues who are very dear to me; one has died. I myself am completely unhurt apart from a few minor skin abrasions, bruises and burns. I interpret this as confirmation that Providence wishes me to continue my life's mission as I have in the past. For I can solemnly state in the presence of the entire nation that since the day I moved into the Wilhelmstraße my sole thought has been to carry out my duty to the best of my ability. And from the time when I realized that the war was unavoidable and could no longer be delayed, I have known nothing but worry and hard work; and for countless days and sleepless nights have lived only for my People!

At the very moment when the German armies are engaged in a most difficult struggle, a small group formed in Germany, as happened in Italy, which thought that as in 1918 it could now deliver the stab in the back. However, this time they totally miscalculated. The claim by these usurpers that I am no longer alive, is at this very moment proven false, for here I am talking to you, my dear fellow countrymen. The circle which these usurpers represent is very small. It has nothing to do with the German armed forces, and above all nothing to do with the German army. It is a very small clique composed of criminal elements which will now be mercilessly exterminated. I therefore give the following orders with immediate effect:

1. That no civilian agency is to obey an order from a government agency which these usurpers claim that they command. 2. That no military installation, no commander of a unit, no soldier is to obey any order by these usurpers. On the contrary, any person conveying or issuing such an order is to be immediately arrested or, if they resist, shot on the spot.

In order to restore complete order, I have appointed Minister of the Reich Himmler to be Commander of the Home Forces. I have drafted into the General Staff General Guderian to replace the Chief of the General Staff who is at the moment absent due to illness, and have appointed a second proven leader from the Eastern Front to be his aide.

In all the other agencies of government within the Reich everything remains unchanged. I am convinced that with the departure of this small clique of traitors and conspirators, we will finally create the atmosphere here at home, too, which the soldiers at the front need. For it is intolerable that at the front hundreds of thousands and millions of brave men are willing to make the ultimate sacrifice, while here at home a small clique of ambitious, despicable creatures constantly tries to undermine this attitude. This time we will settle accounts as we National Socialists are accustomed to. I am convinced that at this time every decent officer, every honest soldier will understand that.

Few people can begin to imagine the fate which would have overtaken Germany had the assassination attempt succeeded. I myself thank Providence and my Creator not for preserving me - my life consists only of worry and work for my People - I thank him only for allowing me to continue to bear this burden of worry, and to carry on my work to the best of my ability.

It is the duty of every German without exception to ruthlessly oppose these elements, and either to arrest them immediately or, if they resist arrest, to shoot them on the spot. These orders have been issued to all military units. They will be carried out to the letter with the discipline typical of the Germany army.

Once again I take this opportunity, my old comrades in arms, to greet you, joyful that I have once again been spared a fate which, while it held no terror for me personally, would have had terrible consequences for the German People. I interpret this as a sign from Providence that I must continue my work, and therefore I shall continue it.

The evening of the twenty-fourth of February was, under the auspices of prudence, a development the significance of which probably only today becomes clear to us in its terrible meaning. An irreconcilable enemy was already at that time united in a common struggle against the German people, in the same manner as it is today.

The unnatural alliance between exploiting capitalism and destructive bolshevism that threatens to strangle the entire world today has been the enemy to which we threw down the gauntlet on Feb. 24, 1920, in order to safeguard the existence of our nation. The same as in these years, the apparently contradictory factor in the cooperation of such extreme forces was only the expression of a unique desire of a common instigator and profiteer. International Jewry has long used both forms for the annihilation of the liberty and social welfare of nations.

However, there is an enormous difference between the Germany of 1920 and the Germany of 1945. The Germany of 1920 had been completely paralyzed, the Germany of today is defending herself with the utmost fanaticism. The social order of 1920 had been antiquated and was bound to collapse. Today there exists an unshakable community of the people.

If the former Germany had possessed only a small fraction of the power of resistance inspiring the Germany of today, she would not have capitulated. If the German-people today possessed only a part of the former weakness, it would have ceased to exist long ago. Feb. 24, 1920, will later be regarded as a great milestone in the history of mankind. Without German National Socialist reconstruction, there would be neither a German Empire nor a German people today.

Providence shows no mercy to weak nations, but recognizes the right of existence-only of sound and strong nations. The fact that the National Socialist movement in 1933 succeeded after roughly thirteen years in gaining power by legal means was the result of a stubborn and hard struggle that often seemed to be hopeless.

Who dares to deny that even the strongest will power would not have sufficed to defy this devilish coalition threatening us today without Germany's successful material rearmament after the National Socialist revolution? Nobody but the foolish bourgeois can believe that the flood from the east would not have come if Germany had met it with theoretical international laws instead of guns, tanks and planes.

Just as the Hun assault could not be beaten back by pious wishes or fair warnings, just as the invasion of our country from the southeast in the course of centuries was not warded off by diplomatic tricks, and the Mongolian onslaught did not spare old monuments of culture, this danger also will not be overcome by right in itself but only by strength supporting this right.

Right itself is nothing but the duty to defend the life entrusted to us by the Creator of the world. It is the sacred right of self-preservation. Whether this self-preservation will be successful depends solely on the greatness of our efforts and on willingness to make any sacrifice to preserve this life for the future.

Attila's power was broken not at a meeting of the League of Nations but in battle on the Catalaunian Plains. Not at a talking shop in Geneva nor by any other convention will bolshevism be beaten, but solely by our determination to win victory and by the strength of our arms.

We all know how difficult this struggle is. No matter what we shall lose, it is by far not what it would be if this struggle was not successfully concluded.

Several areas in the eastern part of Germany now experience bolshevism. The crimes committed against our women and children and men by this Jewish plague are the most terrible fate ever conceived by human beings.

This Jewish bolshevist annihilation of nations and its western European and American procurers can be met only in one way: by using every ounce of strength with the extreme fanaticism and stubborn steadfastness that merciful God gives to men in hard times for the defense of their own lives.

All those who weaken will be crushed and left to decay. In the same manner as once the coward bourgeois compromise parties had been first driven into a corner by the bolshevist wave and then swept away, all those bourgeois states will disappear today whose stupid representatives think that they can conclude a treaty with the devil, cherishing the hope that they will be more cunning than he is satanic.

It is a gruesome repetition of the former inner German process that is now going on in a gigantic world political field of the present war. But just as we formerly overcame the narrow-minded party particulars and knocked down the bolshevist opponent in order to create a National Socialist people's state, we shall today win a victory over the medley of bourgeois democratic state conceptions and we will crown this victory by the annihilation of bolshevism.

Just as once all the compromising bourgeois parties were swept away by the Bolshevist flood, so today all bourgeois States are disappearing. Their misguided representatives believe that they can come to terms with the devil in the hope of outwitting him. It is a horrid repetition of what once happened in Germany, but on a global scale. Just as we then smashed the Bolshevist enemy despite petty-bourgeois particulars and set up a National Socialist state, so victory shall be ours today despite bourgeois democratic States.

The greatest King of our history, Frederick II, was threatened with succumbing to the superiority of a world coalition and it was only because of his heroic soul that a nucleus of the coming Reich was created and remained victor in the end.

All peoples whose statesmen have made a pact with the Bolshevist devil will sooner or later become its victim. But let there be no doubt that National Socialist Germany will carry on this struggle until the end, and that will be the case this year when the historic turning-point comes. No power in the world will weaken our hearts.

Our enemies have destroyed so much that is beautiful and holy that we can now live for only one task-to create a state that will rebuild what they have destroyed. It is, therefore, our duty to maintain the liberty of the German nation for the future; not to permit German labor to be carried off to Siberia but to mobilize it for reconstruction on behalf of our own people. It is frightful what the homeland has to endure and the tasks of the front are superhuman, but if a whole people is to show itself equal to such suffering, as our nation does, then Providence will not deny us in the end the right of survival.

We have suffered so much that it only steels us to fanatical resolve to hate Our enemies a thousand times more and to regard them for what they are destroyers of an eternal culture and annihilators of humanity. Out of this bate a holy will is born to oppose these destroyers of our existence with all the strength that God has given us and to crush them in the end. During its 2,000-year history our people has survived so many terrible times that we have no doubt that we will also master our present plight.

If the homeland continues to do its duty and even does still more; if the soldier at the front takes the valiant homeland as an example and stakes his life for his native land, then the whole world will be shattered in its assault against us. If the front and the homeland are jointly determined to destroy those who renounce the law of self-preservation, those who act like cowards or those who sabotage the fight, then they will save the nation. Then, at the end of this struggle, a German victory must come and we will enjoy our proud good fortune.

When this war comes to an end, we shall put victory into the hands of a young generation. This youth is the most precious thing that Germany possesses. It will be an example for all generations to come. This, too, is the work of National Socialist education and the result of a challenge that went out from Munich twenty-five years ago.

My own life has only the value that it possesses for the nation's work unswervingly to re-establish and strengthen our fronts for revenge and attack, to create weapons of proved as well as of novel design, to put them into action to stiffen the spirit of our resistance and, if necessary, also, as in the past, to eliminate all those pests who do not want to participate in the preservation of our nationhood or even oppose it.

I recently read in the British papers that the Allies intend to destroy my Berghof [evidently speaking of the American attack on his mountain home near Berchtesgaden last week]. I almost regret that this did not happen thus far, since my personal property is of no greater value than that of other Germans.

I shall be happy-as far as this is possible to anybody-to bear all that the others have to bear. The only thing that I should not be able to bear would be the weakness of my nation.

What makes me very happy and proud, however, is the conviction that the German people in its greatest distress shows its hardest character. In these weeks and months may every individual German remember that it is his duty to sacrifice all for the German nation's preservation for centuries to come.

Whoever suffers must know that many Germans have lost more than he. The life that is left to us should serve only one task-namely, to make up for all the wrongs done by the international Jewish criminals and their henchmen to our nation. It must be our unshakable will to think of Germany alone until our last breath. Man after man, woman after woman, in towns and in the country, we shall live only for the task of liberating our nation from this distress, of reconstructing Germany's culture as well as her National Socialist life.

It is our firm will never to cease working for the true people's community, far from any ideology of classes, firmly believing that the eternal values of a nation are its best sons and daughters, who, regardless of birth and rank, just as God gave them to us, must be educated and employed.

Twenty-five years ago I predicted the victory of our movement. Today, filled as always with belief in our nation, I predict the final victory of the German race.

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